John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
- Adams Thomas B. j
r - Blunt Joseph
Lieutt.
Adams was here, and Mrs Adams went again upon
a fishing party at the Creek— I wrote a short Letter to S. L. Gouverneur at New-York,
returning to him the Papers which he had sent me some weeks since; which
were 1. A Letter from John Rhea of
Tennessee to James Monroe, dated
in June last (a copy) copy of a Letter from Mr Gouverneur, to W.
Wirt, asking his advice, whether this Letter should be shewn
to Mr Monroe; who was then drawing fast to
his end— Two original Letters from Mr Wirt,
in answer, urging very earnestly that the Letter of Rhea should be shewn
to Mr Monroe— Copy of a declaration of Mr Monroe attested by two witnesses; and
solemnly denying the Truth of Rhea’s Statement— I have retained copies
of Rhea’s Letter, and of Mr Monroe’s
declaration contradicting it.— There is a depth of depravity in this
Transaction, at which the heart sickens— A total disregard to Truth, is
chargeable upon so many men of the very highest standing, in this age
and Country as well as in all others; that in the estimation of the
world, it seems scarcely to carry with it an imputation— But the working
up of a circumstantial fabrication, by practising upon the driveling
dotage of a political parasite is beyond the comprehension of an honest
mind. Jackson’s excessive
anxiety to rest the justification of his invasion of Florida, upon a
secret, collusive and unconstitutional correspondence with Mr Monroe, can be explained only by an effort
to quiet the stings of his conscience for the baseness of his
ingratitude to me— Writhing under the consciousness of the return which
he has made to me; for saving him from public indignation, and defending
him triumphantly against the vengeance of Britain and Spain, the
Impeachment of Congress, the disavowal of Mr
Monroe, and the Court Martial of Calhoun and Crawford, he struggles to bring his cause before the
world and before posterity upon another basis— This basis is itself as
rotten as his own heart— It is that his conquest of Florida, was
undertaken and accomplished, not as I had successfully contended for
him, upon principles, warranted by the Laws of Nations, and consistent
with the Constitution of the United States, but by a secret fraudulent
concert between him and Mr Monroe, in direct
violation of the Constitution, and of all its conservative principles.—
To establish this he resorts to his own unprincipled Letter, which I
never saw, to the recreant desperation of Crawford, and to the ravenous
imbecillity of John Rhea—he has succeeded with them both—both have made
themselves by impudent, unblushing falsehoods Pandars to his unnatural
Passions, and to glut his revenge upon me, for benefits such as he never
received from any other man he has been labouring not only to blast the
good name of Mr Monroe, but to cover with
infamy his own— His moral perceptions are so confused, and decomposed by
his convulsive Passions, that in his eagerness to throw off his
obligations to me, and to ruin the reputation of Mr Monroe, he blinds himself entirely to the inevitable recoil
upon himself. It is fortunate that Mr Monroe
lived and retained his faculties to make a solemn and authentic
declaration of the total falsehood of John Rhea’s abominable statement.
258This afternoon Joseph Blunt came in from New-York by the way of Newport,
New-Bedford and Hyannis—going to Boston for a few days; to look to the
publication of the next volume of his Annual Register— He urged me much
for the chapter, which I had undertaken to furnish for him, and I told
him the reasons which have prevented me from the accomplishment of the
work hitherto, and the delay which will be un-avoidable still. He stops
to pass the Night here, and told me that the National Republicans in
New-York were satisfied since the result of the Elections in Kentucky,
that there was no prospect of success in the Election of Mr Clay to
the Presidency; and that it would be advisable to fix upon another
Candidate.— He spoke of Mr Webster and Chief-Justice Marshall; and supposed,
if there should be a nomination of me by the Anti-Masonic Convention at
Baltimore, my name would also come before the Convention to meet there
next December; of which Blunt himself is a Member I told him the
Anti-masons had not until within a very few days thought of me any
where; and now I apprehended it was too late— I was apprehensive that
they would not agree; and that their party would fall off to different
Candidates to the ruin of their Cause.
