John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

5. VII. W. Plumer, member from New-Hampshire called this morning, to speak about judge Durrell, and the appointment of a fourth auditor— He mentioned also Salma Hale, as perhaps disposed to be a candidate for an appointment of Secretary of Legation— Plumer thinks it probable that Mr Parrott will not be re-elected to the Senate; but that either Jeremiah Mason, or the present Governor Woodbury will be chosen in his place. As to the views of Mr Bell, and of Bartlett he is not altogether certain. 306Daniel Pope Cook was here, and spoke of the controversy between Mr Edwards and Mr. Crawford— I observed that he had declared his disposition to refrain from taking an active part in the discussion before the House, and asked him if he intended to persevere in that course under all possible circumstances— He said no. He had been laboriously occupied in making himself thoroughly master of the subject, to discuss the Report of the Committee when it should be made, if necessary. But if Justice should be done to it entirely by other members, he should say nothing. I asked him if he, had reason to expect that any other member would take a part to ensure a real and thorough sifting of the subject, instead of that mockery of investigation, exhibited by the two Committees of the last Session. He said that Mr Ingham and Mr M’Duffie had both assured him they would not suffer the subject to pass without a thorough examination— That Ingham in particular felt himself implicated in the A. B. transactions of the last Winter, and had now examined with great care all the documents. I told him that from the composition of the present Committee, I had no confidence in the impartiality or candour of their report— The Chairman and one other member had already disclosed themselves as unqualified and rancorous partizans. Of the other member there were personal motives operating upon at least a majority, and stimulating them to favour Crawford, and to sacrifice Edwards. It was in the House alone, and in debate upon the Report, that Justice could be done to Mr Edwards, and although Ingham might come out in strength, there was not much reason to rely upon M’Duffie, who had already shewn an earnest disposition to throw off the investigation from the House to the President— Cook told me that the day before yesterday, a member whom he was not at liberty to name but in whom he had perfect confidence, assured him, that T. W. Cobb, the member from Georgia, and Mr Crawford’s most confidential friend, had told him, that Crawford had found among his private papers, the very Letter from Stephenson the receiver of public monies, and President of the Bank of Edwardsville, the receipt of which forms the issue between Crawford and Edwards— And Cook said he was greatly embarrassed what to do, between keeping the secret enjoined upon him by the member who gave him the information, and the duty in Justice to Mr Edwards of disclosing the fact to the investigating Committee— I told Cook it was impossible that Crawford should have made known this fact to Cobb, so that Cobb should have revealed it to another member, and yet that Crawford should withhold it from the investigating Committee. I should sooner suspect Cobb of circulatinweg designedly such a statement, with the intent of exciting and disappointing an enquiry into it— The fact itself must so irrecoverably prostrate Crawford upon this point, that I could scarcely think he would make it known, if really true— I mentioned that I had a file of the St. Louis Enquirer for 1819. in which I had found Edwards’s Publication, announcing his retirement from the Direction of the Edwarsville Bank. Cook asked me to send him a copy of it, and afterwards wrote me a Letter requesting it. He told me that Webster had promised him there should be a thorough, impartial, and judicial investigation of the whole subject— That he had also much confidence in J. W. Taylor, M’Arthur and Owen of Alabama— He said they had already controuled the gross partialities of Floyd— He said there were other questionable transactions of Crawford with Banks, under investigation which he never could justify— A Memorial from Reddick of the Missouri Bank, before the Committee of Ways and Means and upon which M’Lane the Chairman had been manoeuvering to smuggle in private concert with Reddick, a report discrediting Edwards’s testimony, without disclosing it to the Committee, and which Ingham a member of the Committee has detected and disconcerted— A transaction with the Bank of Juniata in Pennsylvania; implicating a member of Congress from that State, and which 307Tod told him was true; though he did not chuse to meddle with such Affairs— It is the same thing about which I had a Letter from Isaac Fisher, and spoke of to Tod. 29. December 1822. Some extraordinary indulgences to the Bank of Darien in Georgia— All these he thinks will come in some shape before the House— G. Sullivan came for a Letter of Introduction for young Coolidge to Mr Madison which I had promised last Evening, and now gave him— He told me that the Military Committee of H.R. had reported a Bill in favour of the Massachusetts claim which had been twice read and referred to a Committee of the whole House on the State of the Union. And that the two delegations of Massachusetts and Maine were to have a Meeting to-morrow Morning to determine upon their mode of proceeding to promote the passage of the Bill— At the office Coll. Forbes came for the final settlement of an account— Mr Levy to renew his application concerning his return to St. Thomas or his appointment of Mr Cabot as his agent during his absence— I told him that if he should not hear from me to the contrary within a day or two, he might appoint his agent— Mr Rebello came as I had last Evening at my house requested that he would. I told him the grounds upon which the President had concluded to delay for sometime the reception of him as Charge d’Affaires from the Emperor of Brazil— The information received from Lisbon, that France was actively negotiating there— The blockade of Pernambuco, announced by the Government of Rio de Janeiro itself, recognizing a formal resistance in Brazil against that Government; the acceptance of a French naval force, offered as to his Royal Highness the Prince of Brazil, to reduce Pernambuco, and symptoms indicated on the part of the Emperor himself, of a disposition to restore the Portuguese authority in Brazil, all concurring with the fact that the Constitution formed by the Emperor’s authority had not yet been sworn to by him, were inducements for postponing a decision here; it might be however only for a very short time, as the Course of Events might even in a few days remove the equivocal appearances which left doubts of the establishment of an Independent Government in Brazil— He appeared to be much disappointed, and said there was no foundation for the suspicion that Brazil was not finally, and irrevocably independent of Portugal— He denied that the Emperor had suffered himself to be treated as His Royal Highness the Prince of Brazil, by the Commander of the French Squadron, and declared that the offer of aid from that Officer to Blockade Pernambuco had not been accepted— He said they had made war upon Portugal; they had stationed a Frigate off Lisbon which had made several captures of Portuguese Vessels which had been condemned in Brazil— He knew not how the sincerity of Independence could be more firmly maintained— He wished that the United States might be the first to recognize the Independence of Brazil— The formation of an American system under the Auspices of the United States, to counteract the European system was very desirable, and must necessarily give an ascendency to the influence of the United States in Brazil, and throughout America— An influence which both France and Britain were assiduously labouring to anticipate— The Commercial Relations between the United States and Brazil were already important, and were increasing. He wished that the political Relations between them might be of the most friendly and harmonious character, and regretted that the hesitation and delay of recognition would have a tendency to produce a coolness in the Sentiments of the two Nations towards each other. I replied that I would report the substance of his observations to the President, and would then further communicate with him— That in the mean time every attention would be paid to any representation that he should make upon subjects which he had in charge from his Government— He said that as the Session of Congress was drawing towards a close he regretted the length of time which must pass before he could receive a definitive Answer. I said that the 308recognition and his reception might as well take place during the recess of Congress, as while they are in Session— He observed that I had mentioned to him that his written narrative and representations to me would be communicated to Congress— I said certainly; but that if he should be received during the recess, they would be sent to Congress at the commencement of their next Session— He asked me if I would give him an answer to the Notes he had addressed to me, in writing— I said if he wished it I would take the directions of the President in that respect, and was not aware that he would have any objection— We had supposed that he himself might prefer that the assignation of our reasons for delaying his reception should be given verbally rather than in writing— He asked if I had not given written answers to the Spanish South-American Agents before the recognition of their Governments;— I said I had sometimes, and sometimes had answered only verbally— I would however take the directions of the President and very shortly let him know the result— Immediately after he left me, I went to the President’s and made him a full Report of what had passed between us— I found the President strongly inclined to receiving him— He said that the essential principle for us was the point of Independence. The form of Government was not our concern, and by avoiding to meddle with it we should come less in collision with the European powers— I had received this morning from C. Raguet, a duplicate of his Letter of 8. March, with an additional postscript of the 24th. saying that the Emperor was to take the Oath to the Constitution the next day; and that all was tranquil. No additions to the French Squadron of which the Letter of the 8th. had announced fifteen vessels as an expected reinforcement of the four which had arrived— The President concluded to suspend for a few days more his determination— After I returned to the Office, George B. English came, returned from his mission to Constantinople— I had received two or three days since three despatches from him, dated at Constantinople— He said he hoped that he had performed the business entrusted to him to the satisfaction of the President— I said, as far as was believed to have been in his power— He proposed to call upon the President, which I approved— Mr Amasa Stetson came to ask for a copy of an Act of Congress, just passed, in his favour— He is to have it to-morrow Morning— E. Wyer came upon his afternoon visit— There was an Evening party at General Brown’s which I declined attending owing to the illness of Mrs Adams who is still confined to her bed. Jos. Blunt spent an hour with me this Evening— I took a late walk; and wasted the rest of the Evening in reading.