John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

23. VII. Mr George Hay, called this Morning, to enquire from the President concerning the decision of the Senate upon the Convention, the substance of which I told him; mentioning the modifications and exceptions which Coll. Taylor had spoken of, as having been adopted— Mr Hay seeing this Book on my Table, and observing that he had seen it almost always on my table enquired jestingly whether it was Bishop Burnet’s History of his own Times— I said perhaps it might be. At least I believed it to contain the most complete materials for the History of Mr Monroe’s Administration extant— And I added that I proposed to devote the leisure of my life hereafter to that design— But the Conditions of my undertaking it were Life, Health, and Leisure— And upon the form I had not yet seriously reflected— He said it was a pity that Mr. Monroe had not kept a Diary—a very brief one in comparison with mine would have sufficed— But he now remembers nothing; as to time and circumstance— Mr Hay spoke as he always does with extreme bitterness of Mr Jefferson, whom he declares to be one of the most insincere men in the world— He reminded me of a Letter written by Mr Jefferson to Mr Monroe in 1818–19. upon my controversial papers with Spain and relating to the Seminole War. They were in a style even of extravagant encomium— Precisely at the same time Hay says, Ritchie of Richmond told him that Mr Jefferson had spoken of the same papers in terms of severe reprobation, to a Gentleman from whom he had it— Hay said he told Ritchie that that Gentleman lied—but he knew better—the Gentleman was Edward Coles, and he had told the truth— But Mr Jefferson!— His enmity to Mr Monroe was inveterate, though disguised, and he was at the bottom of all the opposition to Mr Monroe in Virginia. Mr D. Brent came to mention the issue in the Senate on the Convention; of which he had heard, and thought I was not informed. Mr Rufus King, came, and in a long conversation gave me all the particulars of the proceedings in the Senate; shewed me the parts of the Convention which have been stricken out, and the yeas and nays upon every question that was taken— He said that in the management of the opposition there had been great disingenuousness and rancour, and it had been clearly and plainly disclosed to the observation of every one, that the main object of it was, an electioneering engine against me— He said that after making the crime Piracy, and inviting all others to do the same, to cavil at the right of searching for the Pirates was an absurdity; and without meaning to compliment me, he would say he thought the abuses to which the exercise of the right were liable had been guarded against with the utmost care in the Convention. He knew not how they could have been better guarded— The message of the President had been very properly sent in; but all that it contained had already been said in Senate before it came in. He did not know whether, now, the Convention would be worth accepting or would be accepted by Great-Britain— I told him I thought it would. The essential bases of the Convention were untouched— The three great principles, that the trade shall be Piracy— The mutual right of Search and capture, and the trial of the captured party by his own Country are secured— 333The two Articles eliminated, were no part of our project— The exception of the Coast of America from the searchable seas, has operation, only with regard to the coast of Brazil, and may hereafter be removed so far as may be necessary, by further Negotiation— The only material injury done to the Convention is the reservation of the power in either party to renounce it with six Months notice; a power leaving an important question, what authority in the organization of our Government is competent to give that notice— I presume it must be by authority of an Act of Congress— I spoke also to Mr King, concerning the nomination of Benjamin Ames as Marshal of the District of Maine— The objection against him is that he traded with the Enemy during the late War, and a deposition of Mr Harrod has been obtained, stating that he being a prisoner at Bermuda saw and spoke to Ames there. Circumstantial strong but not conclusive testimony has been produced by Ames— The deposition of Harrod adds that he saw at Bermuda also a Vessel from Bath, with Potatoes, said to have belonged to William King— It says too that John Holmes, prevailed upon the witness about two years since, to tell him these facts respecting Ames, by pledging his word of Honour, that he would never divulge them— William King has sent a declaration to the Committee that he was not the owner of the Potato vessel, and did not trade with the British during the War; and Holmes admits that he gave to Harrod the pledge of secresy, but alleges that it could not interfere with the discharge of public duties— Upon the subject of New-York Politics, Mr King said it was certain that the Governor, Yates would call the Legislature together, and propose to them the passage of a Law to give the choice of Presidential Electors, to the People; and no doubt that the Law would pass— What the result would be, it was impossible to foretell— He told me also an extraordinary story about the purchase of a Newspaper lately set up in New-York, called the National Union; a Clintonian paper, which first announced itself as favouring General Jackson, and lamenting that there was an overwhelming majority of the People of New-York for me, but now had come out for Crawford as President, and DeWitt Clinton as Governor of the State— And he told me some of Mr Van Buren’s Negotiations to disencumber himself from the ownership of the Albany Argus— The British Chargé d’Affaires Addington called likewise to speak upon the subject of the Convention— He had been informed of the manner in which it passed, and said he hoped it would be accepted as it has been ratified here. He said it had been explained by him in Letters already despatched to his Government. He understood the opposition to have arisen purely from party Spirit; and to be in a great measure occasional— He asked me if I could let him have, confidentially a copy of the President’s last Message to the Senate—urging the ratification of the Convention, to send to his Government— It would undoubtedly have the effect of reconciling them to the modifications, annexed to the Ratification here— I said I would propose it to the President, and thought he would probably not object— But as there was a motion pending before the Senate, for taking off the injunction of Secresy from all their proceedings on the subject, the message would perhaps in that manner be made public— These visits detained me from the morning service— In the afternoon I heard Mr Baker, from Romans 12.12. “Rejoicing in Hope”—and the text was more impressive to me at this moment than the Sermon— In the Evening, Mr Little preached from Galatians 4.31. “So then, brethren, we are not children of the bondwoman, but of the free.” The house was well filled; many members of Congress being present; and it was a valedictory discourse to them, upon religious Liberty— As I was coming out A. Stewart, a member of the House, spoke to me of it as an eloquent and well written Sermon— Returning home I met Daniel P. Cook, who walked home with me, came in, and sat an hour, conversing chiefly upon the affair of Mr Edwards and Mr Crawford— He is under deep anxiety with regard to the Report of the Committee, which he is apprehensive will not only substantially justify Mr Crawford, but in a most insidious manner, indirectly take side against Edwards. From the Conversations of 334Webster with Plumer, I am apprehensive there is much ground for the expectation— The disclosures of character made by Webster in this affair, have been strongly marked, and prove that William King is not the only man entrusted with the secret, that Webster is to have an Office of high distinction in the Event of Crawford’s election as President— His address in getting himself appointed a member of this Committee, which he did, by suggesting the reference in the House without moving it, and the cunning of Forsyth, who at that time complained of his appointment as of a person unfriendly to Mr Crawford, the high pretensions of impartiality with which Webster began the investigation, and his volunteer promise to Cook, that he would pursue the enquiry judicially; his consultation with Rufus King, as to the principles upon which the investigation was to be managed and through him with Jeremiah Mason and Richard Stockton—with his late underhanded attempts to prevail upon me to exercise influence over the Editors of Newspapers friendly to me, that they may sustain the Report of the committee to sacrifice the character and reputation of Edwards to glut the revenge of Mr Crawford, present altogether a combination of talent, of Ambition, of political management, and of heartless injustice, which have thrown open to my inspection Mr Webster’s inmost character— He evidently considers the Report of the Committee as depending alone upon him; and so do the Public, I have no doubt that in a great measure it really does—but I have great confidence in J. W. Taylor.