John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r William Elliot of the patent office came to my
house, with a part of the manuscript prepared by Mr Little,
and with a plan for planting trees, in the Botanical Garden of the
Columbian Institute. Mr Salazar, the Minister from the Republic of
Colombia, with his Secretary of Legation
Gomez, and the Consul
Palacio were here; recently from Philadelphia— I asked
Mr. Salazar to call at the Office of the
Department of State, at one O’Clock to-morrow— Mr H. Allen
came again to take leave, on his departure for Norfolk— Having seen the
President this Morning. At the
Office, came the Count de Menou,
Chargé d’Affaires from France— Speaking of the Convention of 24. June
1822. which is for two years, and longer until either party shall give
to the other six months notice, of its intention to put an end to it; he
asked if in case the French Government should conclude to give that
notice, it must be given here— I said no doubt. It must be given to the Government—here if by France— At Paris, if
by us. He said he had no reason to suppose that the French Government
intended to give that Notice: but the question had occured to him this
Morning— He spoke also of a claim belonging to a Prince of Luxemburg,
and others upon the State of South-Carolina; of which part payment has
been mare; but there are residual payments to be made to several
individuals who cannot be ascertained for want of vouchers— The claim
originated in the South-Carolina frigate, during the revolutionary War.
In the year 1807. the Legislature of South-Carolina made provision for
the payment, and it was paid in part; this act the Count shewed me— But
about two years since they passed an Act withdrawing the fund which had
been appropriated for the remainder— So Coll. Hayne the Senator
from South-Carolina had told him this morning— The Viscount de Chateaubriant had
written to him expressing the wish, that the State of South-Carolina,
would pay over the money to the French Government, on their undertaking
to satisfy all the 179claimants and to give the
State a discharge in full— The Count enquired whether the Government of
the United States would recommend this arrangement to the State of
South-Carolina— I said I would take the directions of the President
concerning it; and he might perhaps authorize me to send to the Governor of South-Carolina, any Note
which the Count should write me upon the subject— The Count said he had
heard it rumoured that Mr Brown of Louisiana was
appointed Minister to France, and asked if it was true— I said it was,
and the Count expressed great satisfaction at the choice— Mr M’Kean
Buchanan of Philadelphia, brought me a Letter of
recommendation from S. Ewing, and
is applying for an appointment as Clerk in any of the Departments.
Mr
Addington came to speak of a Note, which he wrote me a few
days since upon a long standing subject of complaint against our duties
upon rolled iron— I told him that the Note was before the President—
That we should endeavour to obtain from Congress the modification
desired rather from a disposition to give the most liberal construction
to the Convention, than from a full conviction of the correctness of
Mr
Canning’s argument— We had also much conversation upon the
subject of the Colonial Intercourse, and less upon the South-American
topic— He said Baron Tuyll had
only read to him the despatch he had received from his Government
announcing the Emperor’s
determination not to receive Agents from South-America— He also read me
a Letter from the British Consul at
New-York, enquiring what he was to do, in cases of British
Seamen, who entrapped, by intoxication, to declare themselves American
Citizens, and then enlisted into our service, and afterwards wished to
be discharged. Addington said that he had answered him, he should do
nothing. For two reasons—first because a man, who even when drunk would
renounce his Country, could deserve no after-interference in his favour;
and secondly because such a man’s declaration, when sober, was no better
than his declaration to the contrary, drunk— But said Addington, to get
rid of the importunities of a meddlesome, tetchy, brouillon of a Consul,
if in such cases there were means privately of discharging such men, he
would consider it as a favour. I said I would speak of it to the
Secretary of the Navy— That
we had no desire to engage or to retain British Sailors in our service;
but in such cases as he alluded to the principal difficulty would be in
ascertaining the facts— Wyer called
at the Office, and spoke to me of Andrew
Stevenson, the member from Richmond, who still professes
great regard for me, and who, Wyer says, told some one, that Alexander Smyth, obtained his last
election by printing and circulating a hand-bill detailing a private
conversation between me and C. F.
Mercer— Miss
M’Knight, returned this morning home to Mrs
Decatur’s and Mary
Hellen, and Abigail
Adams went and dined with her— I wrote in the Evening,
till the pen dropp’d from my hand, with drowsiness— J. W. Taylor was here part of the
Evening, just arrived from New-York. He says there were this afternoon
120 seats of members of the House already taken, and he had no doubt
there were 150 members in the City— This is earlier than usual. We had
about two hours of conversation upon various political topics; the
recent Election in the State of New-York—the impending election of
Speaker of the House of Representatives; and the more distant
Presidential Election— He spoke especially of the Election of a
Vice-President, and intimated that Mr
Crawford’s friends had in view for that Office Governor Yates of New-York, who desired
it— I asked him what was to be done with Mr Tompkins, who had not
declined— He seemed to think that after eight years service; it was Common Law, that the Vice-Presidency, as well as
the chief magistracy should change hands— And he said that as he came
through the City of New-York, he heard that he was in prison, for 10000
dollars at the suit of Peter Jay
Munro— It was for money that Munro had been compelled to
pay as bondsman or endorser for Tompkins; but he understood it was
probable the affair would be adjusted— No doubt, it was desirable that
some provision should be made for the comfortable support of Mr Tompkins, but the character of the State,
and of the Nation was too much at stake for his re-election to the
office of Vice-President— It was possible perhaps not improbable that
there should be three candidates for the Presidency to be chosen by the
House of Representatives; and no majority be found practicable for
either of them— In which case the Executive Government must be
administered by the Vice-President, though he knew not 180whether for a whole Presidential term or only until a new
Election for President could be held— I told him I had seen a paragraph
in the Richmond Enquirer; stating that there was a plan to that effect
on foot, and that the Vice-President thus to be chosen had been named to
them. This was all that I knew of the matter— But there would be so
great inconvenience in devolving upon the Vice-President the Executive
power, from mere inability to choose a President, that if the case
should occur of three Candidates, as he had supposed, and no majority
could be formed for either, I should expect one of them would ultimately
withdraw— He said neither of them could withdraw— As he could not
prevent those who adhered to him from voting for him. I said that if the
case was supposable that I should be one of them, and should have of the
three the smallest number of the electoral votes, I should not only
think it my duty to withdraw, but to declare that if elected, I would
not accept—rather than that the election should fail. We had also much
conversation upon the approaching choice of Speaker, and the various
contingencies of Taylor’s competition with Clay, Barbour and
perhaps Webster— He did not know
whether Clay intended to stand as a Candidate, or decline—and if he
should stand, whether he, Taylor, should stand against him, or decline—
I could give him no information, but only told him that if he should
stand, he would have my best wishes for his success— He said about one
half the delegation from New-York in the House, were personally and
politically his friends: the other half were also personally friendly to
him; but would vote as Mr Van-Buren would prescribe.
He said also that Barbour’s friends were sanguine for his success in the
hope of deterring Clay from offering, by a shew of competition.
