November 1823.
r Calhoun
Secretary of War, and Mr Southard Secretary of the
Navy present— The subject for Consideration was the
confidential proposals of the British
Secretary of State George Canning to R. Rush, and the correspondence between
them, relating to the projects of the holy alliance upon South-America—
There was much conversation, without coming to any definitive point. The
object of Canning appears to have been to obtain some public pledge from
the Government of the United States, ostensibly against the forcible
interference of the Holy Alliance between Spain and South-America; but
really or especially against the acquisition to the United States
themselves of any part of the Spanish American Possessions— Mr Calhoun inclined to giving a discretionary
power to Mr Rush to join in a declaration
against the interference of the Holy allies if necessary—even if it
should pledge us not to take Cuba, or the Province of Texas— Because the
Power of G.B. being greater than ours to seize
upon them, we should get the advantage of obtaining from her the same
declaration we should make ourselves— I thought the cases not parallel—
We have no intention of seizing either Texas or Cuba— But the
inhabitants of either or both may exercise their primitive rights, and
solicit an Union with us— They will certainly do no such thing to G.
Britain. By joining with her therefore in her proposed declaration; we
give her a substantial, and perhaps inconvenient pledge against
ourselves, and really obtain nothing in return— Without entering now
into the enquiry of the expediency of our annexing Texas or Cuba to our
Union, we should at least keep ourselves free to act as emergencies may
arise, and not tie ourselves down to any principle which might
immediately afterwards be brought to bear against ourselves. Mr Southard inclined much to the same
opinion— The President was averse to any course which should have the
appearance of taking a position subordinate to that of Great Britain,
and suggested the idea of sending a special Minister to protest against the interposition of the Holy
Alliance— I observed that it was a question for separate consideration
whether we ought in any event if invited, to attend at a Congress of the
allies on this subject— Mr Calhoun thought
we ought in no case to attend. The President referring to Instructions
given before the Congress of Aix la Chapelle, declaring that we would if
invited, attend no meeting relative to South America, of which less than
its entire Independence should be the object, intimated that a similar
limitation might be assumed now. I remarked that we had then not
recognized the South-American Independence ourselves— We would have been
willing to recognize it in concert with the European allies, and
therefore would have readily attended, if invited, a meeting of which
that should have been the object. We could not now have the same motive—
We have recognized them. We are very sure there
will be now no Meeting of the Allies with that object. There would
therefore be no use or propriety in resorting to the same limitation—
Our refusal to attend should be explicit and unqualified— To this the
President readily assented— I remarked that the communications recently
received from the Russian Minister Baron
Tuyll afforded as I thought a very suitable and convenient
opportunity for us to take our stand against the Holy Alliance, and at
the same time to decline the overture of Great-Britain— It would be more
candid as well as more dignified to avow our principles explicitly to
Russia and France, than to come in as a Cock-boat in the wake of the
British man of War— The idea was acquiesced in on all 150sides, and my draft for an answer to Baron Tuyll’s Note
announcing the Emperor’s
determination to refuse receiving any Minister from the South-American
Governments, was read— Mr Calhoun objected
to two words as sarcastic— The word Christian,
annexed to Independent Nations and the words of
Peace, added to the word Minister. I told him laughing that all
the point of my Note was in those two words, as my object was to put the
Emperor in the wrong in the face of the world as much as possible— The
President proposed one or two other alterations, but after examination
did not insist upon them— But it was thought the best method of making
the profession of our principles would be in answering that part of
Baron Tuyll’s communication to me which was verbal— The intimation of
the Emperor’s hope that we should continue to observe neutrality in the
contest between Spain and South America— It was proposed that I should
in my written answer to the Baron’s written Note, introduce a commentary
upon the verbal part of his conferences— The discussion continued till
four O’Clock when Mr Calhoun had an
engagement and the Meeting broke up without coming to any conclusion. I
remained with the President, and observed to him that the answers to be
given to Baron Tuyll, the Instructions to Mr
Rush relative to the proposals of Mr
Canning, those to Mr Middleton at St.
Petersburg, and those to the Minister who must be sent to France must
all be parts of a combined system of policy, and adapted to each
other—in which he fully concurred— I added that as Baron Tuyll had made
one part of his communications written, and another verbal, if I should
answer the whole in one written Note; it might place him personally in
an awkward predicament— My official intercourse with the Baron had
always been of the friendliest character, and I was desirous of
observing with him all the forms of courtesy and kindness. The President
then proposed that I should confine my written answer to the purport of
the Baron’s written Note and see the Baron again, upon the verbal part
of his communications— This course I shall accordingly take— I told the
President I would see the Baron, before sending him my written answer— I
would then say that having informed the President of what had passed
between us at our recent conferences, he had approved the verbal answers
that I had given to the Baron, and had directed me to add, that
receiving in friendly part the expression of the Emperor’s wish that the
United States may continue to observe the Neutrality announced on their
recognition of the South American Governments, he wished the Baron to
state to his Government in return, the desire of that of the U. States
that the Emperor on his part should continue to observe the same
neutrality— The Baron would make this the subject of a despatch to his
Government which I presumed he would according to his Custom shew me,
before sending it off; and I could commit the substance of all these
conferences to writing in the form of a Report to the President— Of all
this he approved— The discussion 151at the Cabinet
Meeting took a wide range— It was observed that Mr Canning had not disclosed to Mr.
Rush the special facts upon which he expected there would be a Congress
to settle the Affairs of South America, and Mr Calhoun expressed some surprize that Mr Rush did not appear to have made of him any enquiries on
that point— I observed that I was rather glad of the objection of the
British Government to the preliminary
recognition, as I should be sorry that we should be committed upon Cannings propositions even so far as we might
have been by Mr Rush on his own
responsibility— Calhoun wondered what could be the objection of Great
Britain to the recognition— I said there were two reasons— One the
aversion, to fly directly in the face of the Holy Alliance— And secondly
the engagements of her Treaties with Spain; particularly that of 5. July
1814— Calhoun and Southard thought that Great Britain would in no Event
take stand against the Holy Alliance on South American Affairs unless
sure of our co-operation— She could not be belligerent, leaving us
neutral; because it must throw the whole commerce of the adverse party
into our hands— It was the opinion of us all that a Minister must
immediately be sent to France— The President read a copy of his Letter
to A. Gallatin, urging him, 15. October, to return; and of Gallatin’s
answer, saying that he cannot go this Winter—but promising to be here
about the middle of this Month— I left with the President several papers
this day received; among which one from Mr
Constancio, the Ex-Consul and
Charge d’Affaires from Portugal; soliciting the pardon of a man named
Cartacho, just convicted
of Piracy at Richmond. So we have now two persons claiming to act as
Charge d’Affaires from Portugal— On returning to the Office I sent to
Baron Tuyll requesting him to call at my Office to-morrow at one—
Evening at home, writing in part this day’s Journal.