John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

7. V:30. Rainy day. Cabinet Meeting at the President’s from half past one till four— Mr Calhoun Secretary of War, and Mr Southard Secretary of the Navy present— The subject for Consideration was the confidential proposals of the British Secretary of State George Canning to R. Rush, and the correspondence between them, relating to the projects of the holy alliance upon South-America— There was much conversation, without coming to any definitive point. The object of Canning appears to have been to obtain some public pledge from the Government of the United States, ostensibly against the forcible interference of the Holy Alliance between Spain and South-America; but really or especially against the acquisition to the United States themselves of any part of the Spanish American Possessions— Mr Calhoun inclined to giving a discretionary power to Mr Rush to join in a declaration against the interference of the Holy allies if necessary—even if it should pledge us not to take Cuba, or the Province of Texas— Because the Power of G.B. being greater than ours to seize upon them, we should get the advantage of obtaining from her the same declaration we should make ourselves— I thought the cases not parallel— We have no intention of seizing either Texas or Cuba— But the inhabitants of either or both may exercise their primitive rights, and solicit an Union with us— They will certainly do no such thing to G. Britain. By joining with her therefore in her proposed declaration; we give her a substantial, and perhaps inconvenient pledge against ourselves, and really obtain nothing in return— Without entering now into the enquiry of the expediency of our annexing Texas or Cuba to our Union, we should at least keep ourselves free to act as emergencies may arise, and not tie ourselves down to any principle which might immediately afterwards be brought to bear against ourselves. Mr Southard inclined much to the same opinion— The President was averse to any course which should have the appearance of taking a position subordinate to that of Great Britain, and suggested the idea of sending a special Minister to protest against the interposition of the Holy Alliance— I observed that it was a question for separate consideration whether we ought in any event if invited, to attend at a Congress of the allies on this subject— Mr Calhoun thought we ought in no case to attend. The President referring to Instructions given before the Congress of Aix la Chapelle, declaring that we would if invited, attend no meeting relative to South America, of which less than its entire Independence should be the object, intimated that a similar limitation might be assumed now. I remarked that we had then not recognized the South-American Independence ourselves— We would have been willing to recognize it in concert with the European allies, and therefore would have readily attended, if invited, a meeting of which that should have been the object. We could not now have the same motive— We have recognized them. We are very sure there will be now no Meeting of the Allies with that object. There would therefore be no use or propriety in resorting to the same limitation— Our refusal to attend should be explicit and unqualified— To this the President readily assented— I remarked that the communications recently received from the Russian Minister Baron Tuyll afforded as I thought a very suitable and convenient opportunity for us to take our stand against the Holy Alliance, and at the same time to decline the overture of Great-Britain— It would be more candid as well as more dignified to avow our principles explicitly to Russia and France, than to come in as a Cock-boat in the wake of the British man of War— The idea was acquiesced in on all 150sides, and my draft for an answer to Baron Tuyll’s Note announcing the Emperor’s determination to refuse receiving any Minister from the South-American Governments, was read— Mr Calhoun objected to two words as sarcastic— The word Christian, annexed to Independent Nations and the words of Peace, added to the word Minister. I told him laughing that all the point of my Note was in those two words, as my object was to put the Emperor in the wrong in the face of the world as much as possible— The President proposed one or two other alterations, but after examination did not insist upon them— But it was thought the best method of making the profession of our principles would be in answering that part of Baron Tuyll’s communication to me which was verbal— The intimation of the Emperor’s hope that we should continue to observe neutrality in the contest between Spain and South America— It was proposed that I should in my written answer to the Baron’s written Note, introduce a commentary upon the verbal part of his conferences— The discussion continued till four O’Clock when Mr Calhoun had an engagement and the Meeting broke up without coming to any conclusion. I remained with the President, and observed to him that the answers to be given to Baron Tuyll, the Instructions to Mr Rush relative to the proposals of Mr Canning, those to Mr Middleton at St. Petersburg, and those to the Minister who must be sent to France must all be parts of a combined system of policy, and adapted to each other—in which he fully concurred— I added that as Baron Tuyll had made one part of his communications written, and another verbal, if I should answer the whole in one written Note; it might place him personally in an awkward predicament— My official intercourse with the Baron had always been of the friendliest character, and I was desirous of observing with him all the forms of courtesy and kindness. The President then proposed that I should confine my written answer to the purport of the Baron’s written Note and see the Baron again, upon the verbal part of his communications— This course I shall accordingly take— I told the President I would see the Baron, before sending him my written answer— I would then say that having informed the President of what had passed between us at our recent conferences, he had approved the verbal answers that I had given to the Baron, and had directed me to add, that receiving in friendly part the expression of the Emperor’s wish that the United States may continue to observe the Neutrality announced on their recognition of the South American Governments, he wished the Baron to state to his Government in return, the desire of that of the U. States that the Emperor on his part should continue to observe the same neutrality— The Baron would make this the subject of a despatch to his Government which I presumed he would according to his Custom shew me, before sending it off; and I could commit the substance of all these conferences to writing in the form of a Report to the President— Of all this he approved— The discussion 151at the Cabinet Meeting took a wide range— It was observed that Mr Canning had not disclosed to Mr. Rush the special facts upon which he expected there would be a Congress to settle the Affairs of South America, and Mr Calhoun expressed some surprize that Mr Rush did not appear to have made of him any enquiries on that point— I observed that I was rather glad of the objection of the British Government to the preliminary recognition, as I should be sorry that we should be committed upon Cannings propositions even so far as we might have been by Mr Rush on his own responsibility— Calhoun wondered what could be the objection of Great Britain to the recognition— I said there were two reasons— One the aversion, to fly directly in the face of the Holy Alliance— And secondly the engagements of her Treaties with Spain; particularly that of 5. July 1814— Calhoun and Southard thought that Great Britain would in no Event take stand against the Holy Alliance on South American Affairs unless sure of our co-operation— She could not be belligerent, leaving us neutral; because it must throw the whole commerce of the adverse party into our hands— It was the opinion of us all that a Minister must immediately be sent to France— The President read a copy of his Letter to A. Gallatin, urging him, 15. October, to return; and of Gallatin’s answer, saying that he cannot go this Winter—but promising to be here about the middle of this Month— I left with the President several papers this day received; among which one from Mr Constancio, the Ex-Consul and Charge d’Affaires from Portugal; soliciting the pardon of a man named Cartacho, just convicted of Piracy at Richmond. So we have now two persons claiming to act as Charge d’Affaires from Portugal— On returning to the Office I sent to Baron Tuyll requesting him to call at my Office to-morrow at one— Evening at home, writing in part this day’s Journal.