John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

25. VII. I made a draft of Observations, upon the communications recently received from the Baron de Tuyll, the Russian Minister— Took the paper, together with the Statement I had prepared, of what has passed between him and me, and all the papers received from him to the President. I found General Swartwout of New-York with him; but he immediately withdrew— Mr Southard just then came in, and the President sent for the other members of the Administration, Mr Calhoun and Mr Wirt. Mr Crawford continues convalescent, but was not well enough to attend— My proposal was that a paper like that which I had prepared, modified as the President should finally direct, be delivered by me to the Baron de Tuyll, in the form of an inofficial verbal Note— That I should invite him to a conference; then read the paper to him, deliver to him a copy of it, and tell him that I was willing to converse with him concerning it, if he thought proper. The paper itself was drawn to correspond exactly with a paragraph of the President’s Message, which he had read me yesterday, and which was entirely conformable to the system of policy which I have earnestly recommended for this emergency— It was also intended as a firm, spirited and yet conciliatory answer to all the communications lately received from the Russian Government, and at the same time an unequivocal answer to the proposals made by Canning to Mr Rush— It was meant also to be eventually an exposition of the principles of this Government, and a brief developement of its political system as henceforth to be maintained— Essentially Republican— Maintaining its own Independence and respecting that of others— Essentially pacific— Studiously avoiding all involvement in the combinations of European Politics— Cultivating peace and friendship with the most absolute Monarchies 169highly appreciating, and anxiously desirous of retaining that of the Emperor Alexander, but declaring that having recognized the Independence of the South-American States, we could not see with indifference; any attempt by European Powers, by forcible interposition, either to restore the Spanish dominion, on the American Continents, or to introduce Monarchical principles into those Countries; or to transfer any portion of the antient or present American possessions of Spain to any other European Power— This paper was read, and thereupon ensued a desultory discussion till near five O’Clock, when the President adjourned the Meeting till twelve O’Clock to-morrow. Calhoun with many professions of diffidence and doubt, but only to prompt discussion, questioned whether it would be proper to deliver any such paper to the Russian Minister— The paper contained rather an ostentatious display of Republican Principles; it was making up an issue, perhaps too soon with the Holy Alliance. It would perhaps be offensive to the Emperor of Russia, and perhaps even to the British Government, which would by no means relish so much republicanism— He thought it would be sufficient to communicate to Baron Tuyll a copy of the paragraph of the President’s Message, to which my paper was adapted— The Message was a mere communication to our own People— Foreign powers might not feel themselves bound to notice what was said in that— It was like a family talking over subjects interesting to them by the fire side, among themselves— Many things might be said there without offence, even if a stranger should come among them and overhear the conversation, which would be offensive, if they went to his house to say them— Southard and Wirt both observed, that according to that allusion it was Russia, it was the Holy Alliance, who had come to our House to proclaim the Virtues and the glories of despotism; and my paper was nothing more than an answer to them— Calhoun said he thought my paper went rather farther than their’s. I observed that a copy of that paragraph of the President’s Message, might suffice for an indication of our principles; but I thought it due to the honour and dignity of the Nation, that an explicit and direct answer should be given to the communications from the Russian Government— After receiving one upon the back of another so many broad hints from them, the people of this Country, when they come to the knowledge of it will ask what was said in answer to them— The answer to the written ratification of the Emperor’s determination not to receive any Minister from South-America, was the tamest of all State Papers. The first draft of it had been softened, first at a Cabinet Meeting—then by an amended draft of the President, and finally by an amendment of mine upon that of the President— The answers to the notification of the Emperor’s hope and wish that the United States would continue their neutrality between Spain and South-America, were merely verbal— We had no written vouchers of them, but in the copies confidentially given by the Baron to me, of his despatches to his Court concerning them— Then came this last Extract of 30. August 1823. bearding us to our faces, upon the monarchical principles of the Holy Alliance— It was time to tender them an issue— In the last resort this was a Cause to be pleaded before the world of Mankind. Our Country, and the world would require, that our ground should be distinctly taken, as well as resolutely maintained. Now, in my belief was the time for taking it; and as I thought the Holy Alliance would not ultimately invade South-America, and firmly believed that the Emperor Alexander, did not mean to include us or any consideration of us, in his invectives against Revolution, I wished to give him an opportunity of disclaiming any such intention— I believed the Emperor Alexander was honestly wedded to his system— That he was profoundly penetrated with the conviction that he was 170labouring for the good of his people, and for the welfare of mankind. There was no man living, more sensitive to public opinion, as I knew from a multitude of proofs, but which was eminently shewn, by the importance which the Government itself attached to the editorial Article in the National Intelligencer which at the instance of the Baron de Tuyll, I had caused to be inserted, concerning the Northwest Coast question— My object in this paper was to appeal much to the personal feelings of the Emperor Alexander—to his love of Peace— To his religious impressions— To his sensibility to public opinion— To his old friendly offices and good-will towards the U. States. I would search all these sources of action, and bring him either to a formal disavowal of any dispositions unfriendly to the United States, or to an express declaration of what his intentions are— Calhoun’s objections were not supported, but Mr Wirt made a question far more important; and which I had made at a much earlier stage of these deliberations— It was whether we shall be warranted in taking so broadly the ground of resistance to the interposition of the Holy Allies, by force to restore the Spanish Dominion in South-America— It is and has been to me a fearful question— It was not now discussed; but Mr Wirt remarked upon the danger of assuming the attitude of menace, without meaning to strike: and asked if the Holy Allies should act in direct hostility against South-America, whether this Country would oppose them, by War?— My paper and the paragraph would certainly commit us as far as the Executive constitutionally could act on this point, and if we take this course, I should wish that a joint Resolution of the two Houses of Congress should be proposed and adopted to the same purport— But this would render it necessary to communicate to them, at least confidentially, the existing state of things. The Communications from Mr Canning, were all at his own request, confidential— Those with Baron de Tuyll were yet so; but he was desirous that part of them should be published, and I was yet to settle with him whether they should be communicated to Congress— My wish was to propose to him that they should all be communicated; and also that the substance of them should be communicated to Mr Greuhm the Prussian Minister here; for his Court— The king of Prussia being one of the members of the Holy Alliance— The President did not finally decide upon the point of Mr Calhoun’s objection to the delivery of any paper to Baron Tuyll: but retained my draft and the statement of the transactions between the Baron and me, to resume the Consideration of them to-morrow. Mr. Wirt objected strongly to one paragraph of my draft; which he said was a hornet of a paragraph, and he thought would be excessively offensive— I said it was the cream of my paper; but I am sure the President will not suffer it to pass— The President seemed to entertain some apprehension that the Republicanism of my paper, might indispose the British Government to a cordial concert of operations with us— He said they were in a dilemma, between their anti-jacobin policy; the dread of their internal reformers which made them sympathise with the Holy Allies, and the necessities of their Commerce and Revenue, with the pressure of their debts and taxes, which compelled them to side with South-American Independence for the sake of South-American trade— He believed they must ultimately take this side; but if we should shock and alarm them upon the political side of the question; and the Holy Allies could hold out to them any thing to appease the craving of their commercial and fiscal interest, they might go back to the Allies—as Portugal has gone back—insignificant and despised; but leaving us in the lurch, with all Europe arrayed against us— I replied That at all Events nothing that we 171should now do would commit us to absolute War— That Great-Britain was already committed more than we— That the interest of no one of the allied Powers, would be promoted by the restoration of South America to Spain; that the interest of each one of them was against it, and that if they could possibly agree among themselves upon a partition principle, the only possible bait they could offer to Great-Britain, for acceding to it was Cuba, which neither they nor Spain would consent to give her— That my reliance upon the co-operation of Great Britain rested not upon her principles, but her interest— This I thought was clear. But that my paper came in conflict with no principle which she would dare to maintain— We avowed Republicanism, but we disclaimed propagandism; we asserted National Independence to which she was already fully pledged— We disavowed all interference with European affairs; and my whole paper was drawn up, to come in conclusion precisely to the identical declaration of Mr Canning himself, and to express our concurrence with it— Mr Southard and Mr Wirt supported me in these remarks— After the adjournment of the meeting, Mr H. Allen called at the Office. He had a Letter from Commodore Hull, saying he would be ready to sail on or before the 5th. of next Month— He took leave of me, intending to go for Norfolk to-morrow— Mr Gallatin, Mr and Mrs George Sullivan, Mr F. C. Gray, Mr A. Armstrong, and Dr Huntt, dined with us. I had invited Mr H. Allen, and Genl. Swartwout; but they declined— John, Mary Hellen, and Abigail Adams went to Mrs T. Munroe’s Ball— Our company left us early; chiefly to go there too— Eve idle— Rain.