John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

22. VII— A Mr Anderson of New-York, called upon me this morning; father of the Dr. Anderson introduced to me the other day by Mr Southard— I finished the draft of my second despatch to R. Rush, upon Canning’s proposals— And there must be yet a third— I also began a written statement of what has passed between Baron de Tuyll and me, concerning the intentions of the Russian Cabinet, with a view to transmit copies of it and of the documents to Mr Middleton and Mr Rush— Visits to A. Gallatin and Mr Brown of Louisiana— Neither of them at home— At the Office. T. H. Williams the Senator, and Rankin the Representative from the State of Mississippi came to urge the appointment of Marshal in that State; the Office having been some Months vacant— They recommended Charles H. Norton; I took the recommendations to the President, who directed the commission to be immediately made out, which was done, and forwarded under cover to the district judge— I took also to the President, the Letter from the Commissioner and Arbitrator Cheves and Seawell, and read it to him to take his directions what was to be done concerning it—but he directed nothing— Mr Gallatin was with the President; but withdrew, on my going in— I left with the President, my draft for a second despatch to R. Rush on South-American Affairs— And I spoke to him again urging him to abstain from every thing in his Message which the holy allies could make a pretext for construing into aggression upon them— I said there were Considerations of weight which I could not even easily mention, at a cabinet Meeting— If he had determined to retire from the public service, at the end of his present term; it was now drawing towards a close— It was to be considered now as a whole, and a system of Administration, for a definite term of years— It would hereafter I believed be looked back to—as166as the golden age of this Republic, and I felt an extreme solicitude that its end might correspond with the character of its progress— That the Administration might be delivered into the hands of the Successor, whoever he might be, at peace and in amity with all the world. If this could not be; if the holy alliance were determined to make up an issue with us; it was our policy to meet and not to make it— We should retreat to the Wall, before taking to arms, and be sure at every step to put them as much as possible in the wrong— I said if the Holy Alliance really intended to restore by force the Colonies of Spain to her dominion, it was questionable to me whether we had not after all been over hasty in acknowledging the South-American Independence— It had pledged us now to take ground which we had not felt at-all bound to take five years ago. At the Congress of Aix la Chapelle, the allies had discussed what they should do with South-America, and we had not even thought of interfering with them— If they intend now to interpose by force, we shall have as much as we can do to prevent them—without going to bid them defiance in the heart of Europe— Something had been said yesterday that if the President did not recommend the recognition of the Independence of the Greeks, it would be pressed in the House of Representatives— What would be Mr Clay’s course in this case I could not foresee. But he, the President well knew, that at the time, when Mr Clay so urgently pushed for the South American Independence, his main object was popularity for himself, and to embarrass the administration. It did not appear that this object was now so important to him, and as he had some prospect of coming to the succession himself, I should not suppose he would wish it encumbered with a quarrel with all Europe— But be that as it may, it was infinitely better that the impulse should come from Congress, than that it should go from the Executive. Congress are responsible for their own Acts— Foreign powers are apt to take less notice of them, than of Executive Measures, and if they put us in attitudes of hostility with the allies, be the blame upon them— The ground that I wish to take is that of earnest remonstrance against the interference of the European Powers, by force with South-America; but to disclaim all interference on our part with Europe; to make an American cause, and adhere inflexibly to that— The President said he had spoken of the Greeks and of the Spaniards in his last year’s Message— I said I should not object to paragraphs of a like description, in general terms and pleging nothing; but I would be specially careful to avoid any thing which may be construed as hastily to the Allies. He said he would fully consider what he should say, and when prepared with his draft would call a meeting of the members of the Administration— I mentioned to him Mr Gallatin’s claim of a half out-fit— He said he had allowed it to Mr Clay, because, after the Peace at Ghent he had received no appointment or offer of appointment to another Mission. After returning to the Office, I saw there Mr James Brown— He had not received my Letter having left Philadelphia to come here the same day that it went by the Mail from hence— He had this day seen the President who told him that the Letter was to advise him of his appointment to the Mission to France. He accepts it and I had a long conversation with him upon the subjects which will be embraced in his Instructions— He spoke of the indifferent Prospects of the Mission; and they are bad enough—also of the bad Season of the year, and the threatening aspects of public affairs; all of which was well founded— He thinks he will not be able to depart before the commencement of the next year.