r Banks called here this
morning with Mr Patterson of Baltimore. I told him the
President thought it most
advisable to appoint a native Citizen as Consul at Jamaica. He said a
native Citizen could do no business there, and the Consular fees would
not pay for his stationary— I asked him why a Citizen of the United
States would not be permitted to do business there— He said he would be
held a transient person; and they were not allowed to do business— I
said it was strange that a Consul acknowledged as such should be held a
transient person, and as such forbidden from doing business— I found in
this gentleman the same peremptory tone, which is so common among
Englishmen, when discussing political topics with Americans, and I was
compelled most reluctantly to assume a similar tone, myself. He then
became more courteous, and promised to send me some papers concerning
the trade of Jamaica— He said they imported from the US. a hundred
thousand Barrels of flour a year; and that they would not suffer the
Parliament to make Laws for the Colony— Mr Gallatin called upon
me, just arrived from Pennsylvania. It has been said he was to pass the
winter here; but he says he comes only for a few days, to settle his
accounts and some private affairs of his own— He said a half out-fit,
having as he had heard been allowed to Mr Clay, for his share in the
Negotiation of the Convention of 3. July 1815—he thought himself
entitled to make the same claim— I told him I would mention it for his
Consideration— He made enquiries if we had any news from Europe, and I
told him what is now passing in our diplomatic Relations with Great
Britain and Russia— He made some remarks upon them, full of his usual
shrewdness and sagacity. I had received a Note from the President,
requesting me to attend a meeting of the members of the Administration
at one— The meeting lasted till five— I took with me the draft of my
despatch to R. Rush in answer to
Canning’s proposals, with
the President’s projected Amendments, and my proposal of amendment upon
amendment— We had a very long discussion upon one phrase, which seemed
to me to require none at-all. The Sentiment expressed was that although
we should throw no impediment in the way of an arrangement between Spain
and her Ex Colonies by amicable Negotiation, we
should claim to be treated by the South-Americans upon the footing of
equal favour with the most favoured Nation— The President had proposed a
modifying amendment, which seemed to admit that we should not object to
an arrangement by which special favours or even a restoration of
authority might be conceded to Spain— To this I strenuously objected, as
did Mr
Calhoun— The President ultimately acceded to the substance
of the phrase as I had in the first instance made the draft; but finally
required that the phraseology of it should be varied— Almost all the
other amendments proposed by the President 164were
opposed, principally by Mr Calhoun, who most
explicitly preferred my last substituted paragraph, to the President’s
projected amendment— The President did not insist upon any of his
amendments, which were not admitted by general consent; and the final
paper though considerably varied from my original draft, will be
conformable to my own views— The Supplementary Instruction, I had not
finished; but read the part that I had prepared— I mentioned also my
wish to prepare a paper to be delivered confidentially to Baron Tuyll; and the substance of
which I would in the first instance, express to him in a verbal
conference— It would refer to the verbal communications recently made by
him, and to the Sentiments and Dispositions manifested in the Extract of
a despatch relating to Spanish Affairs, which he lately put into my
hands— My purpose would be in a moderate and conciliatory manner, but
with a firm and determined Spirit, to declare our dissent from the
principles avowed in those communications— To assert those upon which
our own Government is founded; and while disclaiming all intention of
attempting to propagate them by force, and all interference with the
political affairs of Europe, to declare our expectation and hope that
the European Powers will equally abstain from the attempt to spread
their principles in the American Hemisphere, or to subjugate by force
any part of these Continents to their will— The President approved of
this idea; and then taking up the sketches, that he had prepared for his
Message read them to us— Its introduction was in a tone of deep
solemnity; and of high alarm—intimating that this country is menaced by
imminent and formidable dangers; such as would probably soon call for
their most vigorous energies, and the closest union— It then proceeded
to speak of the foreign Affairs, chiefly according to the sketch I had
given him some days since—but with occasional variations— It then
alluded to the recent Events in Spain and Portugal, speaking in terms of
the most pointed reprobation, of the late invasion of Spain by France,
and of the principles upon which it was undertaken by the open avowal of
the king of France— It also contained a broad acknowledgment of the
Greeks as an Independent Nation, and a recommendation to Congress to
make an appropriation for sending a Minister to them— Of all this Mr Calhoun declared his approbation— I
expressed as freely my wish that the President would reconsider the
whole subject, before he should determine to take that course. I said
the tone of the Introduction I apprehended would take the Nation by
surprize, and greatly alarm them. It would come upon them like a Clap of
thunder— There had never been in the History of this Nation a period of
so deep calm and tranquility as we now enjoyed— We never were upon the
whole in a state of peace so profound and secure with all foreign
Nations as at this time— This Message would be a summons to arms— To
arms against all Europe; and for objects of policy exclusively
European—Greece and Spain— It would be as new too in our policy as it
would be surprizing— For more than thirty years, Europe had been in
convulsions; every Nation almost of which it is composed alternately
invading and invaded— Empires, Kingdoms, Principalities had been
overthrown, Revolutionised and counter-revolutionised; and we had looked
on, safe in our distance beyond an intervening Ocean, and avowing a
total forbearance to interfere 165in any of the
combinations of European Politics. This Message would at once buckle on
the harness, and throw down the gauntlet to all Europe— It would have
the air of open defiance to all Europe, and I should not be surprized if
the first answer to it from Spain, and France, and even Russia, should
be to break off their diplomatic intercourse with us— I did not expect
that the quiet which we had enjoyed for six or seven years would last
much longer— The aspect of things was portentous; but if we must come to
an issue with Europe, let us keep it off as long as possible— Let us use
all possible means to carry the opinion of the Nation with us; and the
opinion of the world— Calhoun said that he thought there was not the
tranquility that I spoke of: that there was great anxiety in the
thinking part of the Nation— That there was a general expectation the
Holy Alliance would employ force against South-America; and that it
would be proper that the President should sound the alarm to the Nation—
A time was approaching when all its energies would be needed, and the
public mind ought to be prepared for it— The President told us
confidentially that G. W. Erving
had written, praying that it might be kept secret, because whatever any
person wrote there was reported back against him; but that whatever
might be reported here, we might set it down for certain that France and
the allies, would support Spain in the attempt to recover her Colonies
by force— I observed to the President that I put very little reliance on
any thing written by G. W. Erving— It might or might not eventuate as he
said— But he knew nothing about the matter, more than was known to all
the world; and had views of his own in whatever he wrote— Mr
Southard said little; but inclined towards my view of the
subject— The President finally said that he would draw up two sketches
for consideration, conformable to the two different aspects of the
subject— The President and Mr Calhoun,
intimated the idea that there was a material difference in the Wars and
Revolutions which since the year 1789. to this time have been raging in
Europe; and this last invasion of Spain by France. That this was a more
direct attack upon the popular principle— And that although no former
Message ever censured those overthrows and conquests before, yet it
might be very proper to censure this now— The question however is
deferred— Eve at home, writing.
John Quincy Adams Digital Diary
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