John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
119r Wirt absent, from
indisposition— The Subject first mentioned by the President for
Consideration was a Letter to me from Andreas Luriottis at London, styling himself Envoy of the
provisional Government of the Greeks; a copy of which was sent me some
months since by R. Rush— This
Letter recommending the cause of the Greeks, solicited of the United
States, recognition, Alliance and Assistance— It was proper to give a
distinct answer to this Letter, and I had asked the President’s
directions what the answer should be— The President now proposed the
question— Mr
Gallatin had proposed in one of his last despatches, as if
he was serious that we should assist the Greeks with our naval force in
the Mediterranean—one frigate, one Corvette, and one Schooner. Mr
Crawford and Mr Calhoun inclined to
countenance this project— Crawford asked hesitatingly whether we were at
Peace with Turkey, and seemed only to wait for opposition, to maintain
that we were not. Calhoun descanted upon his great enthusiasm for the
Cause of the Greeks; he was for taking no heed of Turkey, whatever. In
this as in many other cases these Gentlemen have two sources of
eloquence at these cabinet Meetings—one with reference to sentiment, and
the other to action— Their enthusiasm for the Greeks is all Sentiment,
and the Standard of this is the prevailing popular feeling— As for
actions they are seldom agreed, and after two hours of discussion this
day, the subject was dismissed leaving it precisely where it was—
Nothing determined, and nothing practicable proposed by either of them—
Seeing their drift, I did not think it necessary to discuss their doubts
whether we were at Peace with Turkey— Their contempt for the Sublime
Porte, or their enthusiasm for the Cause of the Greeks— I have not much
esteem for the enthusiasm which evaporates in words; and I told the
President, I thought not quite so lightly of a War with Turkey. I said I
would prepare an answer to Mr Luriottis and
an Instruction to Mr Rush for his
consideration. He had proposed the question whether a secret Agent
should be sent to Greece— Calhoun mentioned Edward Everett; and I named Lyman; but we cannot send a secret Agent— Our Agents never will be secret.
The President informed us that Mr Thompson, the Secretary of
the Navy had consented to accept the vacant Seat upon the Bench of the
Supreme Court; and that he had thought of Mr Southard the Senator
from New-Jersey, for the Navy Department— But he had not written to Mr Southard, nor given him any notice of his
intention, nor was he under any engagement or promise whatever to
appoint him— He had thought of him as a man of abilities, a native of
the State of New-Jersey, one of the original thirteen, and from which
there has never been a member of the Administration. He now mentioned
it, because three of us stood in peculiar relations with reference to
the succession to the place now occupied by him— He considered it
honourable to us all, that large portions of the Country were disposed
to support each of us for that station— His own confidence in each of us
was entire and unimpaired— He made these remarks, not with the
expectation that either of us would reply to them, but in reference to
the appointment of a Secretary of the Navy; to say that if either of us
had any observations to make he would give them full Consideration— As
to the Mission to France, he had wished that Mr Gallatin should return thither; but Mr Gallatin himself had urged him to make another appointment
and he had thought of Mr James Brown of Louisiana— He was of opinion
that in the present critical state of Europe this appointment should be
made without delay— This address of the President, was followed by a
pause of Silence, which I terminated, by asking Mr Thompson, when he proposed to quit the Department and enter
upon his judicial Office. He intimated, not 120very
soon, and that he thought it would not be necessary for him to hold the
next coming Circuit Courts in New-York, Connecticut and Vermont— The
President thought it would be best that he should, and said the
Government would be blamed if those terms should pass without a Circuit
judge to hold them— Mr Thompson made some
question as to the Law, and asked me if I had examined the two Acts of
Congress of 1802 and 1808.— By the first the President has the power of
allotting a judge to hold the circuit. The second provides that the
judge residing in the Circuit shall hold the Circuit Court.— Mr Thompson had some doubts whether his legal
residence was in the second District, as he has dwelt for the last four
years here. The President said he considered himself as residing in
Virginia though he has lived here these twelve years— Mr Calhoun also considered himself as
residing in South-Carolina— The President finally asked Mr Thompson to remain with him a few minutes
alone— It is remarkable that several newspapers have some days since
announced the appointment of Mr Southard to
the Navy Department as already made; and some of them have fixed upon
the last of this month as the time when he is to enter upon the duties
of the office. He is said to be a devoted partizan of Mr Calhoun; which I suppose was the occasion
of the President’s remarks on announcing his intention to appoint him— I
took a short, solitary Evening walk.
