John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
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Crawford, being indisposed, did not attend, and Mr Wirt is
absent from the City— Mr Calhoun and Mr
Thompson were present— The President proposed again the question whether Ministers
should forth-with be sent to the Southern Republics— The opinions of
Mr Calhoun and Mr Thompson were both against the measure— Calhoun’s chiefly
because there appeared to be no urgent necessity for the measure, and
because there was no strong manifestation of public sentiment for it— He
observed there were only two or three Newspapers, and those not leading
Prints, that were clamorous for it, and in general the public acquiesced
in the course now pursued by the Executive. Mr Thompson’s objection arose from a doubt of the power of the
President to appoint a Minister during the recess of the Senate— I
observed that my opinion had been that we should receive a Minister from the South-American Governments before
sending one— As this opinion however had not been much countenanced, I
did not wish to hold it too pertinaciously; and with regard to the
Republic of Colombia, there was less reason to be punctilious, as having
received from them a Charge d’Affaires, the mere appointment of a person
of higher rank, to go there, would be less of a departure from the
regular order of establishing diplomatic intercourse, than it would be
to be first in making any 324diplomatic appointment— I should not object to the appointment of a
Minister on that account, and I thought a Minister to the Republic of
Colombia, ought to be appointed now, or at the Meeting of Congress— I
supposed that a Treaty of Commerce might be negotiated with that
Republic; but I should not propose or desire to obtain by it any
exclusive advantages. Mutual advantages and reciprocity are all that we
ought to ask, and all that we can be willing to grant— As to running a
race with England to snatch from these new Nations, some special
privilege or monopoly, I thought it neither a wise nor an honest
policy.— Do what we can, the commerce with South-America will be much
more useful and important to Great Britain than to us, and Great Britain
will be a power vastly more important to them than we: for the simple
reason, that she has the power of supplying their wants, by her
manufactures— We have few such supplies to furnish them, and in articles
of export are their competitors. Yet I was not apprehensive that England
would obtain from them any exclusive advantages to our prejudice.— They
had no partialities in favour of England, they were jealous of her—
England would be in no hurry to send Ministers to them, unless prompted
by our example, and for fear of us— The British Ministry were
embarrassed by our recognition of the South-Americans; as was apparent
from a late debate in the House of Commons— The French Government were
equally so, and Zea had taken the
most effective means of compelling their acknowledgment, by letting them
know that those who should acknowledge would have all their trade. As to
the question of appointment during the recess of the Senate—The words of the Constitution were against the
exercise of the Power— The reason for the words
is in its favour. At the close of the Session of the Senate before the
last, they had no such scruple of the power of the President to appoint
during the recess; for at the last hour of their Session they passed a
Resolution recommending such an appointment— At their late Session,
however, a different doctrine did prevail with them; and as with it,
some temper had been mingled, it was very probable if an appointment
should now be made they would pass a negative upon the nomination— Mr Thompson said he had no doubt they would
reject it— That at the last Session they had been unanimous in their
opinion against the President’s right. The President read a passage of a
Letter that he had received from Mr Madison upon the Subject— It
mentioned that there had been an occasion upon which the question had
been thoroughly examined by the Executive, and determined in favour of
the right. But did not say when; now under what administration— Nothing
definitive was resolved upon; but the President desired me to converse
further with Mr
Torres; and ascertain whether a Minister will probably be
sent from Colombia here— After Calhoun and Thompson were gone—I proposed
to the President, that the Mission to the Republic of Colombia, whether
to be appointed now, or at the Meeting of Congress, should be offered to
Mr
Clay— I thought it doubtful whether he would accept
it—very probable that he would make no delicate or generous use of
it—and that the comments upon the offer, both of his partizans and of
others would be various, and in many cases invidious. But upon the whole
the effect upon the public would be favourable— He wanted the offer— The
Western Country wished it might be made to him. His talents were
eminent— His claims from public service considerable— The Republic of
Colombia and particularly Bolivar, with whom he has been in Correspondence, will be
flattered by his appointment, or even by information that he had the
offer of it— In the relations to be established between us and that
Republic Mr Clay’s talents might be highly
useful; and I did not apprehend any danger from them— The President
appeared to be well disposed to take this course; he said that Mr Clay’s conduct towards him and his
Administration had not been friendly or generous, but he was disposed
entirely to overlook that— He stood upon ground quite independent of
Mr Clay, and as he had never needed his
support, he had never felt the want of it. He would consider of the 325proposal to offer him the Mission, and was not
indisposed to it— As to myself Clay’s conduct has been always hostile to
me, and generally insidious— From the time of the Ghent Negotiation, I
have been in the way of his ambition, and by himself and his
subordinates he has done all in his power to put me out of it— In
pursuing a generous policy towards him as an enemy and a rival, I do
some violence to my inclination, and shall be none the better treated by
him, but I look to personal considerations only to discard them; and
regard only the public interests— Mrs. Adams, with her brother, and Mary Hellen, left us at 6 this afternoon
to go to Philadelphia— He continues in a very feeble and infirm state of
health, and goes now chiefly to consult Dr Physick— About nine
this Evening, for the first time in my life I saw through my Opera Glass
the Planet Mercury: a Boston Newspaper some days since had announced
that it would be visible this Evening in Conjunction with the Moon. I
found it by that indication and saw it for the space of half an hour—
Johnson Hellen who was with
me part of the time saw it distinctly with the naked eye; but I could
not.
