John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
277l. Trumbull came this
Morning to enquire where his third picture was to be hung, and who was
to give him a receipt for it. I referred him to the President. Mr
Burton of North-Carolina, came with a Mr Gage—
M’Glassin a Candidate for
Office, and also a Mr Burr who came with William Lee. Mr Wilcocks also with pressing
importunity, for the appointment of Consul General in Mexico. Mr Jonathan
Russell came for the Letter of the President to the
Emperor of China, and mine to the
Vice-roy of Canton. He said he
liked my substitute for the draft of the President’s Letter, much better
than the draft itself. Dropping this subject I told Mr Russell, that I thought the Letter he had
left at the Department to be communicated to the House of
Representatives in answer to Dr Floyd’s Resolution was a
very extraordinary paper, and his conduct in the whole transaction
relating to it, as equally extraordinary— He knew I had been at Paris,
and that he was in habits of daily, and professedly friendly intercourse
with me when the original Letter was written. That he should have
written it, without notice to his colleagues whose conduct it so
severely arraigned was strange. That he should now have furnished a
paper as the duplicate of that Letter, but materially differing from it,
was still more so— He said that I would remember when on the 25th. of December 1814—I had made the draft of
the joint Letter of the Mission to the Secretary of State, mentioning
that we had offered to the British
Plenipotentiaries the Article, confirmative of the fisheries to us, and
of the Mississippi Navigation to the British, Mr Clay had desired that
an alteration should be made, saying that a
majority of us determined to make this offer. This was Mr Clay’s desire, and not his; but when the
joint Letter was so written, as he had voted in the minority on the
question, he thought it necessary to justify his conduct to the
Government, and therefore had written the Letter from Paris— That when
he came to this Country in 1816, there had been a paragraph in the
Boston Centinel, charging him with having been willing to sacrifice the
fisheries at Ghent. That Mr Floyd had moved
his Resolution calling for the Ghent papers, without consulting him; but
as upon the first call of Mr Floyd, his,
Russell’s separate Letter of 25. December 1814. had been reported it
became necessary for his justification that the Letter containing his
reasons, as promised in that Letter should also appear. He had written
to his daughter at Mendon, for
his own original draft of the Letter, she had found and sent it to him
all but the two last sheets— There was therefore some variation between
the original and the duplicate of his Letter; and he had inserted some
passages to defend himself with those who feel a particular interest in
the fisheries. But there was no alteration of facts. I told him he was mistaken— There was an alteration of
fact in the form of the most aggravated of all his charges against the
Majority of the Mission, that of a wilful, direct, and positive
violation of Instructions. This was not in the original Letter; but on
the contrary; there was an express acquittal of the violation of
Instructions. But the charge was in the duplicate, in language as strong
as he could make it— He said the acquittal in the original and the
charge in the duplicate referred to different Instructions— I replied
that the original had no reference to the Instructions cited in the
duplicate— It expressed a concurrence with the Majority in the belief
that the proposal referred to in no ways violated our Instructions. The
terms were general, and reserved no exception. The duplicate limited the
acquittal of violated Instructions, to the single Instruction of 25.
June 1814. but brought in an express charge, in the most aggravated
terms of the violation of other Instructions, namely those of 15. April
1813. from which it cited the paragraph, which it alledged to have been
violated— And this duplicate, now delivered by himself as having been
the Letter written by him at, Paris in Feby.
1815 declares that he had thought at Ghent, and still thought that this
wilful and positive violation of Instructions had been 278committed; while the real, original Letter, expressed no
such opinion, and made no such charge— But I could shew him that it was
impossible he should have thought at Ghent that we had violated the
passage cited in his duplicate, of the
Instruction of 15. April 1813. because before the proposal was made, we
had received the subsequent Instruction of 19. October 1814. which
released us entirely from the restriction of that passage, and
authorised us expressly to conclude a Treaty upon the Basis of the
Status ante Bellum— I then shewed him on the Book of Records of the
Department, the Letter from Mr Monroe to the
Mission of 19. October 1814 to the Mission, which was received on the
24th. of November of that year; and also
another Letter of 6. October 1814. containing the same authority, but
which I told him had not been received by the Mission— I further told
him that President Madison, by a
Message to Congress of 9. Octr. 1814 had
communicated to Congress, so much of our Instructions, as would shew the
terms upon which we were authorised to make Peace; the Instructions of
15. April 1813. were included in that communication; but the passage
cited in the duplicate in proof of violated instructions, was omitted,
as having been subsequently cancelled. During the whole of this
exposition, Russell’s countenance gave the usual indications of detected
imposture; alternately flushing and turning pale. He said he had no
recollection of the receipt of this Letter of 19. October 1814— And
asked if I thought the Status ante Bellum, included necessarily the
right of the British to navigate the Mississippi— I said that was a
matter upon which he was at Liberty to make his argument; but when, with
the authority to conclude on the Basis of the Status ante Bellum, was
connected the omission from the Instructions communicated to Congress of
the paragraph cited by him as having been violated; when copies of these
Instructions, thus communicated were transmitted to us, as shewing the
terms on which we were authorised to conclude, it was impossible for me
to doubt that the passage now cited by him, had been cancelled— At all
events it had been so considered at Ghent, for this Instruction of 19.
October had not only been received, but was actually produced in the
course of the discussions of the Mission. He said if I recollected that
there could be no question but it was so. r Russell, I wish not to enquire
into your motives.— Henceforth, as a Public man, if upon any occasion
whatever I can serve either you or your Constituents, it will afford me
as much pleasure as if nothing had ever occurred between us; but of
private and individual intercourse, the less there is between us from
this time forward, the more agreeable it will be to me— He only replied
“I wish you well”—and left me— Among the other observations he had made
was that he was entirely indifferent whether his Letter should be
communicated or not; and he had told Mr. Brent so, on delivering the
Letter to him; and he asked me if Mr Brent
had told me this. I said he had not; but that I had requested the
President to communicate both the Letters to the House, with such
remarks, as I had to make upon them; among which I should certainly
notice the variations between the original and duplicate of his Letter.
About two hours after he left the Office, I went over to the President’s
upon other business, and found Russell with him— He had no doubt been
there the whole of the interval. Mr Thompson the Secretary 279of the Navy was also there, and when I went in,
Russell immediately withdrew. The President said he believed Russell was
not so anxious, for his Letter to be sent to the House as he had been— I
said I presumed not; but it was too late for him now to retreat— I then
told the President and Mr Thompson, what had
passed this Morning between Russell and me; and that I had expressly
renounced all future private and personal intercourse with him. Mr Thompson soon afterwards retired, and upon
conversing with the President he told me nothing of what Russell had
been saying to him, but I found in him an increased reluctance to
sending in the letter to the House. Not having yet finished my remarks I
did not press the subject upon the President; but mentioned Mr
Wilcocks’s importunities for a Commission as Consul
General in Mexico. But he does not incline to make any formal
appointments to the South-American States at present. Mary Roberdeau and Mary Hellen left us again this day.
