John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
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Josiah Meigs, Superintendent of the Land Office, and told
him what I knew of G. S. Bourne’s
pretensions to an appointment, in that Office— He said the vacancy, was
of an able Draftsman; and such a one they wanted. Mr
Canning whom I had appointed to meet at one O’Clock, came
and was with me nearly three hours, conversing on a great variety of
Subjects in a manner entirely desultory.— His first object was to
explain to me how two American Vessels seized on the borders of the
Province of New-Brunswick for smuggling, and which he, upon an
application from this Government, for indulgence had recommended to the
Governors of New-Brunswick,
and Nova-Scotia for it, had been
condemned and sold— I also read to him the papers transmitted to this
Government, concerning the Caroline, a vessel tried likewise, at St. Andrews in New Brunswick, and those
relating to the Fame, a vessel on trial in our own Courts— All these
cases turn upon the question of the bordering line between Moose-Island,
and Campo Bello. The question of transcending the proper territorial
jurisdiction, to execute revenue Laws was also involved in them— Upon
the identity or similitude of rolled and hammered iron, there was also
much said— He insists they are the same—and I know not how to prove the
contrary. I promised him to look into the subject and answer his Notes;
and said if upon examination, it should be found practicable, the
President would recommend it
by a message, to Congress— Of the Newfoundland Pirates; Mr Canning seemed not entirely satisfied with
the order to restore the vessel and Cargo 168subject
to the claim of Salvage for the Officers of the Customs— He said he had
understood Salvage was granted only in cases of wrecks, or of recaptures
at Sea. I told him the claim and its amount would both be subject to the
decision of the Court— They were private and individual rights which the
Government could not of right release— On the case of Carleton Island;
he asked a number of questions in relation to the possession and the
time when it had been taken by us. I told him the Circumstances as they
were known to us— He seemed anxious to find some apology for the seizure
from Kingston— I told him our complaint was of the disturbance by force
of the actual state of things, while the negotiation was pending; and
that the Governor of New-York
had positively proposed a battle; if there should come another excursion
from Kingston. But that the President had cooled his martial ardour for
the present— He said it was no doubt a process against smugglers. I said
if they meant to recover possession under the Treaty, they should have
demanded it, as we had done in the case of the Post at the mouth of
Columbia river— He said that in that case Mr Bagot had complained
that we despatched the ship, without giving notice— And yet, I said we
had made the formal demand of restoration more than two years before— We
have therefore a much stronger cause of complaint than could be alledged
by Mr Bagot— He spoke about the Slave-trade,
and asked me, if I had seen a Letter from Sir George Collier recently published in the Newspapers—
I had; but made no remark upon it. He asked if we had any cruizer upon
the African Coast now— I said the same Lieutt. Stockton, who had
captured the four French Schooners. He asked if we could not so
accommodate our naval arrangements as to increase our force there— I
said I could not exactly say—but our force was sufficient to banish our
flag from the whole Coast— There had not been found for these two years
a single Slave-trader wearing the American flag— I asked him if he
recollected the hint I had given him last Spring to propose to his
Government, to advise their ally the king of
Denmark, to look a little to what was going on at his
Island of St. Thomas— He said certainly and
he had availed himself of it. I said I had seen in our newspapers,
within these two days, a notice from Copenhagen, that the late Governor
of St. Thomas, Bentzon, had been convicted of Slave-trade participation
and sentenced to pay a heavy fine. Canning said it might very probably
be the result of our former conversation— I told him we had almost got
into a quarrel with France about these captures of Lieutenant Stockton—
The French authorities in the West Indies, and the French Minister here were all
on fire about the outrage upon the French flag, and they had sent me
volumes of testimony given by the Slave-traders themselves, to prove
Lieutenant Stockton was a Pirate— Not only so but the French Minister,
with a lofty tone maintained that these vessels were engaged in lawful
trade—greatly injured persons— Three of the four vessels were recaptured
upon their prize crews— Two of them went back, not to Guadeloupe, but to
French Guyana, and there trumped up this story of interruption of their
lawful trade, by the Pirate Stockton. The third is brought into Boston,
and the French Minister peremptorily demands that she should be
delivered up to the French
Consul, or to her owners—and in one of his Notes to me,
says “le sort du quatriéme n’est pas encore connu”— I had told the Baron
de Neuville, that I could inform him what that Sort was— She returned to the coast of Africa; took in her
pre-engaged Cargo of 150 Slaves, and carried them and landed them in the
face of day at Guadeloupe, with Lieutenant
Inman and the prize crew from whom the vessel had been
recaptured all the time on board— Canning said he hoped these facts
would be made known to the world. I assured him that indeed they should—
He said that De Neuville himself professed to be 169very earnest for the suppression of the Slave-trade, but he was
against allowing the right of search— Yet he admitted that it was the
most effectual means that could be adopted for the suppression, and he,
Canning, thought we should ultimately be convinced of the necessity of
coming into it— I said that was impossible— There were objections of the
most serious nature against the thing itself, in any shape; but unless
Britain would bind herself by an Article as strong and explicit as
language can make it, never again in time of War, to take a man, from an
American vessel, we never for a moment could listen to a proposal for
allowing a right of search in time of peace— He asked me in a
half-bantering tone whether I had not intended last winter to make some
such proposal to him— I told him no. We had exhausted Negotiation in
endeavouring to make an arrangement with Great-Britain, on the subject
of impressment— We had failed, and were not desirous of obtaining the
object by indirect means— The proposal must come from them, if they were
prepared for it— We merely refused to admit a right of search in time of
peace. On this principle too we should give up the French vessel at
Boston, at the demand of the French Minister, at least the Executive had
so advised the Circuit Court— There has been a trial before that
Court—but the main question was whether there was, any of our Citizens
interested in the Slave-vessel; of that there was no evidence except the
very slight presumption arising from the fact that she had been built in
the United States— He asked me, if at the time of our former discussions
I had not seen the decision of Sir William
Scott in the case of the Lewis. I told him no— I had not
seen it until the case of this French vessel had arisen— He was
surprized at this, and said he regretted not having communicated it to
me— I asked him what was the passage of Blackstone to which he had
referred on the application to deliver up the Newfoundland Pirates— He
said it would be found in the Index, tunder the title of Habeas Corpus.
We examined both Tuckers and
Christian’s Blackstone,
but did not find it. He said he would send me a minute of it— We
discussed the whole subject over again, and he dwelt much upon the
actual delivery of the men charged with murder and forgery, by the
Governor of Canada, to the
Governors of New-York and Vermont— I told him that might give a claim to
reciprocity from the Governors of those two States— It was at their demand, and not that of the United States,
that the men were delivered up— A Similar demand might be made of those
two Governors— Perhaps they might possess the authority—as bordering
States they were more interested than others in the exercise of it. It
was the power to deliver up, which was considered as wanting to the
President— We had also much talk upon European affairs—Russia, Turkey
and Greece. I told him I still thought as I had heretofore that England
would not permit Russia to go to War— It was apparent that she was
effectually interposing to prevent it; but how they would let off the
Emperor Alexander without
humiliating him seemed likely to make a difficulty; and after Strogonoff’s open breaking up at
Constantinople, the Emperor could hardly recede without humiliation—
Canning said he had been long at Constantinople himself, and knew how
the Russian diplomatic men treated habitually the Turkish Government,
which was by no means courteously— They were much accustomed to threaten
them; and hard words did not carry the consequence there which they did
elsewhere. He asked what part France appeared to take in this turmoil. I
said it was apparent that France did not lead; and as she had heretofore
been very much accustomed to lead, she might probably now not be
disposed to follow the lead of others. All the Turkish Notes were said
to be written by Lord Strangford—
Austria was said also to take part with the Turks— But of the French
Mission at Constantinople, not a word was said— At the close of this
Conversation Canning told me that he had left despatches at home
unopened, which came by the Packet— It appeared to 170me that he came for the purpose of gathering materials for a despatch—
He kept up his habitual reserve and caution in withholding all opinions
of his own; and pursued as usual with great earnestness the discovery of
my opinions— I took to the President’s a remonstrance against the
appointment of Ashur Ware, as
District judge of the United States, in the State of Maine, which I had
received together with a Letter from Mr Joshua Wingate— The
President told me that the House of Representatives had chosen Mr Philip P.
Barbour of Virginia their Speaker— He was a new candidate,
started this morning, and came in at the 12th. ballot by a vote of 88 upon 173— I asked the President
what papers should be sent to Congress; and he concluded to send with
the Message only those relating to the taking possession of Florida—
This Evening, Mr
Peter Little, a member from Maryland, and Dr
Watkins called here— Mrs Adams was ill in bed
the whole day.
