John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

31. V:45. Mr Edwards of Connecticut called this morning with Mr Ralph Ingersoll, who brought me a Letter of introduction, from his kinsman—Mr C. J. Ingersoll of Philadelphia. At the Office; a succession of visitors, absorbed the day. Mr Tatnall of Georgia came to recommend Morel the Marshal for re-appointment. He said he had been to the President who had desired him to call here— I mentioned to him the Letters against Morel, and gave him the anonymous Letter to read. He disbelieved the Story of the murder of the negro, and said Morel had made enemies by entering warmly into the party politicks of the State— But he had been acquitted of the murder of the negro, to the universal satisfaction of the people of Savannah— He could not but believe it was a fair trial, because the Solicitor General, and the whole Bar there could not have suffered it to be otherwise— The Laws of Georgia punished with death the murder of a black man—and when Morel had been charged with the murder of this man, he had prosecuted the printer for a libel— The Grand Jury had refused to find a Bill, on the principle that they would in no case indict a printer; but they distinctly declared that they did not believe the accusation— Mr Tatnall finally said he would write to Savannah for recommendations— Mr Hemphill called next with a recommendation of a Mr Laussat to be Consul at Vera Cruz. I told him the recommendation, would be laid before the President, but that there were several previous applications for the office. Dr Bronaugh called as I had requested. I asked him if General Jackson’s accounts were settled to his satisfaction. He said they were— I then told him, that I had received a second and a third complaint from the Spanish Minister, against General Jackson, which it would be my official duty to answer— That my own disposition will be to defend him to the utmost of my power— That the new charges of the Spanish Minister against him would be communicated to him, as the first had been, with a view to have his own entire justification by himself, before transmitting to him a final answer— That I understood a new attack upon General Jackson was meditated in Congress, and if there were any of the members of either house whom he considered as especially friendly to the General with whom I could freely converse in promoting his defence, I would thank him to mention them. He named Mr Baldwin and Mr196M’Duffie of the House and Mr Eaton and Coll. R. M. Johnson of the Senate; and he said he thought the whole of the New-York and Pennsylvania delegations would be in his favour. I said I had some apprehensions that a part of the Virginia delegation who in the affair of the Seminole War supported him would now be against him— He said he supposed they would; but he thought none of them would be very strenuous, excepting Mr Archer, whose attack would be as much against the administration, as against General Jackson— Mr Henry Johnson, Senator from Louisiana, came with a claim from a Mr Duncan a lawyer at New-Orleans for services in the Courts, under Instructions from the Treasury Department— I told Mr Johnson, that the application must be to Mr Crawford; to which he assented— Mr Frye, called at the Office, and gave me a copy of the account of William King; allowing him near 4000 dollars, as a Major General in the service of the United States in 1812 and 1813. Mr Baldwin member of the House called, and I spoke to him about the call for papers in the case of General Jackson— Baldwin appeared to be unwilling that the Resolution should pass, and yet not prepared to resist the call— He said if the question related to General Jackson alone he could count the house, and know friend from foe— But electioneering would mingle with this question, and there was more electioneering abroad than I was aware of— I told him that he might know more of the detail than I, but that there was violent electioneering, and that it would mingle itself in every act of Congress, I had no doubt, and had long known— He said that the papers when communicated would be referred to the Committee of foreign Relations, and he understood they were divided, on the question respecting Jackson—three and three, and one doubtful— I said that the papers relating to Fromentin would not be of the resort of the Committee of Foreign Relations, and that it would be more advisable I should think, to refer the whole to a select Committee— Baldwin said He had understood there was some misunderstanding between Mr Russell the Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations and me— He had therefore written a note to the President, proposing to him to send to Mr Russell, and to converse himself with him— Baldwin said he did not expect to come to Congress again. I told him and Bronaugh both, that the point in which I foresaw the greatest difficulty in vindicating Jackson would be for the seizure of the papers at St. Augustine; because there had been an agreement between Coll. Butler and Coppinger, that they should remain in possession of the Spanish Officer, till the question concerning them should be decided by the two Governments— Which agreement had been approved by this Government. Bronaugh said first that he thought there had been some evidence, of an intention in Coppinger to carry the papers away; but I did not recollect that there was such Evidence. He then said he thought General Jackson was not aware of the agreement— I had determined if possible not to let the day pass, without answering the Spanish Minister’s last Letter, and to accomplish I remained till dark at the Office— Mr T. Fuller came, and told me that he was going to morrow Morning with his wife home— They had just heard of the illness of two of their children— If they should find them recovered he should stay only a few days— He then spoke of the Caucus in the South-Carolina Legislature 110 members 57 of whom had agreed to recommend Mr William Lowndes, as a Candidate for the next Presidential Election. He spoke also of the deputation of members of Congress from the North and the South, who had waited upon Mr Calhoun last Friday, and invited him to stand a candidate, also at the next Election, to which he had after some hesitation assented; and since that time there had been an active canvass going on; and scarcely a member whose dispositions had not been sounded, with a view to making partizans for him. Fuller said that he was afraid of appearing officious; I had appeared indisposed to making any exertions in my own favour; but if something should not be done to counteract the caballing, public opinion would be forestalled, and a party too strong to be broken would be formed— He had no interest of his own in view— He did not even tend to be a Candidate for the next Congress. But he felt a pride in the honour of his Country; and was unwilling to see its highest dignity thus disposed of.— He should therefore on his return home, suggest to some gentlemen the propriety of moving, to shew at least that they are not disposed to abandon the claim to a Candidate of their own— He said he should see some Gentlemen this Evening, and propose to ascertain from Mr Calhoun the fact how far he had assented to stand a Candidate: though it was fully known that he had— I said I 197had some thoughts of speaking on the subject to him, myself, with a view to its bearing on the administration at this time.— Fuller asked me, if I had any objection to conversing with other members of Congress whom he named— I said none at-all— He named Tomlinson of Connecticut, Taylor and Tracy of New-York, Plumer, and all the New-Hampshire delegation, and Lincoln of Maine— He said that possibly these Gentlemen, who were working so hard to raise recruits, might defeat themselves by their own indiscretion— Mr Crawford’s cause had been ruined in that way; and his New-York Sentinel, got up for the express purpose of supporting him would not avail him— Fuller spoke also of a piece which appeared in the Washington City Gazette of Saturday; the day after the caucus cabal at Calhoun’s, full of the vilest and falsest ribaldry against me; republished from Tennessee and Georgia Papers, and repeated here precisely at the time when they were beating up for partizans to their new Candidate, among the members of Congress— He thought it ought to be answered, as it could most triumphantly be.— I told him that if it should be answered, it would immediately be said I was canvassing for the Presidency— I never that I recollect but once, undertook to answer any thing that was published against me in a newspaper; and that was at a time when I was in private life— To answer newspaper accusations would be an endless task. The tongue of falsehood can never be silenced: and I have not time to spare from public business to the vindication of myself. Fuller told me that Eustis was perfectly well disposed; and that Russell, had of late, that is within a few days, had manifested a disposition, not unfriendly to me— Eustis had said it was best, as he was of a headstrong temper to let him find his own way, and he had therefore said nothing to him— It was near seven O’Clock, when I got home to dinner; and I was writing till near Midnight to close the year.