John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Thornton came in this
morning and shewed me his plan of a Garden for the Columbian Institute,
which looks well upon paper. I returned him the Letters from Dr.
Waterhouse and Josiah
Quincy, which he had given me to read on Sunday— Answers
to the Letters he had sent them by me, requesting their influence to
obtain for him a degree of Doctor of Laws at Cambridge University. The
Count de Menou came to the
Office from the French
Ministers, to ask for some of the papers he had lent me. I
promised to return them to morrow. I had sent them to the Attorney General, to obtain his opinion
of what is to be done in the case of La Jeune Eugénie. I called at
Mr
Calhoun’s Office, and asked for the mapping paper; for
Mr
Canning, which was immediately sent to my Office by his
order; upon a written application 128from me. I took
to Calhoun a Letter from W. Hardwick
of Boston, soliciting to be admitted as a Cadet. I also mentioned the
wish of my brother that his
Son Thomas Boylston Adams junr. should be on the list of
candidates for admission in 1823. when he will have attained the age
required— Mr Calhoun advised that he should
not enter until he shall be 15. and in the meantime be put to School at
some Academy. The admissions are in the Month of March— I asked Calhoun,
if Caldwell and Law had closed the Commission last Evening.
He said they had— That he had read part of my Answers, and saw the
benefit of keeping a Diary— He again adverted to the interrogatory about
the memory, and said he thought it very strange that Mr
Crawford whom he had told that he had expressly declined
holding any conversation with Harris about that to which he was to testify, should by
telling Harris of what Calhoun had said to himself in private
conversation make Calhoun thus to converse with Harris indirectly. He
agreed with me in thinking that Crawford’s conduct now is forced upon
him by his having committed himself with r Wirt’s
Office, and had a conversation with him on the case of La jeune Eugenie.
I found him still strongly averse to giving up the vessel— He said it
did not appear to him to invoke at all the right of search— It was a
question of fact, whether the vessel was French or American, and whether
the mere hoisting of a foreign flag, or shew of foreign papers precluded
all enquiry. If it did the act of Congress was of no avail, and all
Legislation against the Slave-trade would be vanity. In this case the
vessel was American built, and had been American property. She had an
act of Francization, or French Custom House paper issued at Guadeloupe
in 1819. But these papers were merely formal; issued of course on
payment of a small sum of money. They were no indications of property—
Now the property having been originally American why should not the
French claimant be required to produce the usual evidence of transfer, a
bill of sale— It was notorious that the Slave trade was now carried on
by many of our Citizens under cover of Spanish and French names and
papers; and if we should so readily give up this vessel, would it not
have to the world the appearance of our conniving with France in these
impostures? I told Mr Wirt, that it seemed
to me that this question was whether in time of Peace the Commander of a
public vessel of one Nation, has a right to board
the merchant vessels of another. The decision of Sir William Scott, in the case of Le
Louis, resolves itself into the denial of that right. I thought the
right could not be maintained. By the Law of Nature no vessel has a
right to board another at Sea without its consent— Our public vessels
have no right to board our own merchant vessels, except as expressly
authorized by Acts of Congress. But Congress cannot authorize them to
board foreign vessels, even to ascertain whether they are American or
not— Because the act in general cases cannot be performed without
inconvenience to the party boarded. The right of one vessel to board
another in time of War, arises from the State of War, it is established
by the usage of Nations and is restricted to particular purposes. In
time of peace there is no such usage—if there is it must be found in the
books of the Law of Nations— I know of none such— With regard to the
Slave-trade there can be none such, because all the Acts prohibiting it,
as well our own as those of other Nations are new— Mr Wirt said he thought it would be a very
dangerous principle to assume, that the mere exhibition of a flag should
shield a vessel from all examination. 129He said he
would write to Baltimore for the volume of Dodson’s Reports containing the decision of Sir William
Scott in the case of Le Louis; and I promised to lend him the third
volume of Barnewall and
Alderson’s Reports,
containing a late decision in the Court of King’s Bench, on a Slave
trade case. I wrote a short despatch to R.
Rush— Menou told me there was a person going to France
with despatches from the French Minister, who offered to forward by him
any despatches for me. George
received a card from his Classmate R.
Barnwall, who was at Brown’s Hotel, and with Johnson Hellen went and passed the Evening with him.
