John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Clay for a
supplementary half outfit of 4500 dollars; Mr Clay himself, and his friend Coll. Richard M. Johnson
for him, both pressing for the allowance in a very urgent manner. It is
contrary to every precedent and every principle; but the President to
whom Clay applied for it directly by Letter to himself, feels an
awkwardness at deciding it against him, precisely because Clay, has
pursued a course of insidious hostility against his Administration. He
has however concluded to postpone 543the
determination of it for the present. The President requested me to
attend at the Capitol, between four and five O’Clock this afternoon—
Between one and two I received a Resolution from the Senate passing a
Negative upon the nomination of John James
Appleton as Chargé D’Affaires at Rio de Janeiro— At this I
was much surprized and disappointed; apprehending that it was because
some of the Letters most warmly recommending him had not been sent with
the nomination. I had a search made for them at the Office, and they
were sent to the Senate. I dined at four O’Clock, and immediately
afterwards went to the Capitol, where I found the President had already
arrived. I met Dr Eustis at the door of the South Wing, and
spoke to him about Appleton. He said he had been earnest in recommending
him, but he understood that one or more of the Senators had taken a
fancy to go to Rio de Janeiro themselves, and were not averse to going
in the capacity of Minister Plenipotentiary— But no objection had been
made to Appleton but his Youth— Notwithstanding this hint I spoke in
Appleton’s favour to Mr James Barbour the Chairman
of the Committee of Foreign Relations of the Senate, whom I intreated to
lay before the Senate the additional recommendations which had at first
not been sent. He said he would, but told me that unless they could add
to the years, and experience of Mr Appleton
they would be of no avail: the opinion of the Senate being unanimous
that a person of the first talents, and highest standing of character
ought to be sent immediately as Minister Plenipotentiary to Rio de
Janeiro— A resolution of the Senate of that purport was in the course of
the Evening brought in to the President, by Mr Charles Cutts their
Secretary— The wisest bodies are not always perfectly consistent— In the
Estimates for the present year, I had inserted an outfit and Salary for
a Minister Plenipotentiary at Rio de Janeiro. While those estimates were
before the Committee of Ways and Means of the House, their Chairman,
Genl S.
Smith, wrote me a Letter, enquiring among other things
whether the appointment of a Minister to Brazil could not for the
present year be dispensed with. The President, not without some
hesitation authorised me to answer that it might; but that it would then
be necessary to appropriate an outfit, and Salary for a Chargé
d’Affaires. This was accordingly done, in the general Appropriation
Bill— The outfit and Salary for a Minister were struck out, and those
for a Chargé d’Affaires were inserted— This General Appropriation Bill
the Senate passed this day, with the Appropriations for a Chargé
d’Affaires, and without those for a Minister—and on the same day they
unanimously pass a Resolution recommending the immediate appointment of
a Minister— I observed to the President, that the Law spoke one language
and the Resolution another, directly the reverse, both emanating from
the same body, on the same day; and as the law received his sanction it
expressed the Sentiment both of the whole Legislature and of the
Executive, while the Resolution expressed the sense of only one branch
of the Legislature, and that in direct opposition to their own opinion
likewise expressed in the Law. It would look very odd, if after signing
the appropriation act this day with an outfit and Salary for a Charge
d’Affaires, he should next week appoint a Minister, without any previous
appropriation; and in these economical times would not escape the
animadversion of the House of Representatives at the next Session— The
President said he should be in no hurry to act upon the Resolution of
the Senate, but would take ample time for consideration— There were
thirty-Bills and two Resolutions this day presented to the President for
his signature—and upon two of them the Military Appropriation, and the
loan Bill, there was disagreements between the two Houses which were
settled only by conferences— While the President remained in the
Committee Room, I passed a part of the Evening in the House of
Representatives.—There was little debate, and less confusion than usual—
Though it was difficult to keep together a Quorum— I conversed with
several of the members, on various subjects.— Mr
Mallary the Chairman of the Committee on the Ghent
Commissions, came and told me that they had made the appropriation for
the year, which I had recommended in my last Letter to him— I said 544they had however reduced the Salaries, not only
of the Agents, as they had the right to do, but of the Commissioners
which I thought a very harsh measure as regarded individuals, and
contrary to the understanding and intent if not to the Letter of the
agreement under the Treaty. That if either of the Commissioners should
resign upon the passage of this Act, as they would have the right to do,
and as I think I should do, in their place, it would throw the whole
business into a very awkward predicament and much increase, instead of
diminishing the expence. He said he did not think they would resign. And
then observed that he was glad the Florida Treaty had terminated in a
manner so entirely satisfactory— Mr Storrs the Chairman of the
Committee upon the expenditures of the Department of State told me that
he had made this morning, a Report to the House approving altogether the
appointment of Major
Delafield, after the close of the last Session of Congress,
and declaring generally the correctness of the Accounts of the
Department of State, so far as the Committee had examined them. He spoke
as if he was ashamed of his motion which was intended as an attack upon
me; and ashamed also to make public the justification which he had not
been able to withhold— This is the last day of Storrs’s present
political existence. He has no prospect of being elected to the next
Congress. He has considerable talents, and some taste for literature;
with which I have always a strong sympathy. But he wants both judgment
and firmness. The Missouri question has blasted him, and the loss of his
popularity at home, with the loss of all his influence in the House,
have driven him to vicious habits, and made his career as a Statesman
abortive— Mr Clay moved a vote of thanks to
the Speaker, John W. Taylor,
prefaced by a short, studied, but grossly indelicate speech— As however
it was quite conciliatory, as to the sentiment, it passed without
animadversion— The Clerk of the
House, put the question, and there was only one voice
answered in the negative— That was R. R.
Reid of Georgia. About an hour afterwards the Speaker
shortly addressed the house in answer to the vote of thanks. His speech
was both in matter and delivery much better than Clay’s— It was past
twelve O’Clock at Night before the business of the two Houses was
finished; and a half an hour later before the last Bills were examined
and signed by the President, and notified to the two Houses as thus
completed. A joint Committee, consisting of Mr Holmes of Maine and
Hunter of the Senate, and
Genl. S. Smith and Joshua Cushman of the House of
Representatives came, and informed the President that they were ready to
adjourn, unless he had any further communication to make to them; to
which he answered that he had none. It was near one in the Morning when
they adjourned— And thus finished the sixteenth Congress of the United
States— I walked home, in company as far as his house, with Mr Calhoun—
I found him in some degree dispirited by the results of the attack
systematically carried on through this whole Congress but especially
through the Session just expired against his management of the War
Department. He thinks that the present embarrassments in the
Administration, all originated in two measures of the first Session of
Congress under it. The repeal of the internal taxes, and the profuse
pension Act— The present falling off in the revenue he says ought to
have been foreseen; and also that on the failure of revenue, the War
Department would naturally be the first upon which the scythe of
retrenchment would fall. He observed also the Coalition of Crawford’s, Clinton’s and Clay’s partizans,
though with views quite hostile to each other, in the assaults of this
Session, against the administration. The vote of thanks proposed by Clay
to the Speaker, Taylor; the appointment by Taylor, of the most violent
opponents to the Administration upon Committees. The combinations of the
Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky New-York and Vermont members, devoted to
their respective leaders, and joining all their forces against the
Administration— All this is unquestionably true— There have also been
transactions in the War Department, in the Post-Office, and in the Bank
of the United States, which have unfortunately given handle to every
class of disaffection— Jackson’s
Seminole Campaign, the Florida Treaty, and the South American insurgents
have all been used in turn as weapons of annoyance— By the practical
operation of our Government, the whole system of our Politics is
inseparably linked with the views of aspirants to the Presidential
succession; and by the peculiarity of our present position, the
prospects of all the Candidates in reserve for
the next Presidency, excepting the Vice-President, and setting aside the
545Secretary of State depend upon the failure of the present Administration for their
success. The worst of it is, that this applies more forcibly to
Crawford, a leading Member of the Administration himself than to any
other— Crawford has been a worm preying upon the vitals of the
Administration within its own body— He was the instigator, and animating
Spirit of the whole movement, both in Congress and at Richmond against
Jackson and the Administration— In all the vicissitudes of the Spanish
Negotiation, wherever there has been difficulty or prospect of failure,
he has been felt, when he could not be seen, and all the attacks against
the War Department, during this Congress have been stimulated by him and
promoted by his partizans— An essential impulse to this course on his
part is the knowledge he has obtained that Calhoun, is not prepared to
support him for the next Presidency. At the same time the emptiness of
the Treasury, and Crawford’s utter inability to devise any other source of Revenue but loan upon loan, very naturally
lead him to favour any kind of retrenchment, and especially such as will
not bear upon any of his friends— It has been the policy of all the
parties, to keep hostilities in reserve against me this Session; and to
assail the War Department as an out work. At this Moment standing on the
Isthmus between the past and the future, I look back with satisfaction
solid and pure at what has been accomplished of public service, with
humility and regret that more has not been effected, and with unbounded
Gratitude to the disposer of all results— Forward, the prospect is beset
with difficulties and dangers— Let me advance cheerily to meet the
dispensations of Time; pursuing with singleness of Soul the path of
duty; imploring for the faculty to will and to do—“to move in Charity,
to rest in Providence, and to turn on the Poles of Truth.”
