John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r
Gouverneur, the President’s Nephew, Son in Law, and private Secretary,
called at my House this morning; I called at the President’s with a Note
received of yesterday’s date, from the French Minister Hyde de Neuville— I sent him
two or three days since the copy of a Full-power, made out by the
President’s direction, authorizing me to treat with him upon commercial
arrangements— The Note of Yesterday was introductory to the Negotiation—
Its principle object was to ask an answer to a long Letter, which de
Neuville had written to me the 16th. of June
1818. upon a claim raised by the French Government, upon the 8th. Article of the Louisiana cession Treaty—
I had already answered one long note of his upon the subject, and had
left his reply unanswered, only to avoid altercation, upon a claim which
had no substance, and upon which my answer to his first Letter, was of
itself a sufficient answer to his reply— But when after the Act of 532Congress of 15 May last,
and the retaliatory ordinances of the king of
France, of 26. July, the French Government had been
dragged into this negotiation, finding themselves unanswerably pressed
by Notes of great ability from Gallatin, they started from the course by setting up
again, this Louisiana claim and declaring it indispensably connected
with the arrangement of the question upon discriminating duties— And as
Gallatin was not instructed upon the Louisiana claim, they made this a
pretext for transferring the negotiation here, and sending de Neuville
back here, to finish it; with an ulterior destination to Brazil, held
out to our Cotton-planters in Terrorem. His Letter now calls for an
answer to his old one of June 1818—and hints, at two other Affairs,
meaning the cases of the Apollon and Eugene, as also requiring
adjustment before we can come to the settlement of commercial interests—
The President thought the first thing to be done was to answer the old
Louisiana claim-Letter, and to offer to dismiss the suit against the
Apollon, and restore the vessel to the captain— I told the President that I had found in my
Letter-books, the Letters from which Mr. Harris had read passages to
him; and particularly that of which he had yesterday mentioned to me the
substance. I explained to him the motives for writing it, which were
altogether of a public nature—to prepare him, and through him as far as
I was able the people in power in Russia, for the unfavourable result of
that campaign, which there was every reason to expect—to impress them
with the idea that notwithstanding all our distresses and disasters at
that time we should ultimately triumph over them all— And to stimulate
the Russian Government itself to take an active interest in our favour,
by shewing that our cause was in a great measure their own. The
expression of “a feeble and penurious Government” I said, he had I
presumed understood as referring, not to the Executive administration;
but particularly to the inefficient measures of Congress at that time—
The President said, that in substance it was no more than he had himself
said in his Official Reports— I observed that in my present situation,
the British and Russian Governments might be displeased if they should
see my animadversions upon their policy as then pursued; but they would
doubtless recollect, and lay to their own hearts, the feelings under
which it was written, and not expect the courtesy of Peace, under the
instigations of War— In every other respect, I said I could have no
objection to any publicity that Mr Harris
could give to that or any other Letter from me— The Baron de Neuville
came to the Office and had a conference with me— I told him, I should
very shortly send him the answer to his Louisiana claim Letter of 1818.
which had hitherto remained unanswered only because it had been thought
worse than useless to prolong an unprofitable controversy— As to the
case of the Apollon I told him that the vessel being under seizure for a
violation of the Revenue Laws, the decision of the Court would determine
whether the seizure had been legal or not—if legal the Laws must of
course have their execution. If not legal, the Captain, and all persons
interested in the property had their remedy in the same Court against
the persons who had made the seizure— He said that the injury had not
been to the Captain and owners of the Apollon alone. The commerce of
France had been in consequence of that seizure, for many Months deprived
of the resort to the Florida side of St.
Mary’s river, and of trading from thence with the United States— The
fact was that the merchants in France had consulted the king’s Council,
and enquired whether they could send their ships in this manner to St. Mary’s river; and he himself had advised
the answer given by the Council that they might. I told him this was a
thing upon which we could of course not negotiate, and he again said he
was willing to leave it to be explained in France by Mr Gallatin— This last disclosure, explains
the extraordinary and hitherto unaccountable irritation, which he and
Roth before him manifested at
this seizure of the Apollon— The French Government itself, and by his
advice had become a party to this projected system for evading our
tonnage duties. The seizure of the Apollon, disconcerted them all; and
made the Government itself in some sort responsible to their merchants
for the advice given them— The Baron does not seem to be aware how this
operates as a justification to us for counteracting this royal scheme of
contraband. It is apparent that de Neuville intends to make this affair
a very prominent point in the failure of his negotiation. 533Mr Forsyth who has returned
from Spain called this morning at the Office— He has had a long passage,
having left Madrid about the 24th. of
November. His purpose now is, to visit Georgia, for two or three Months,
and then go back to Spain with his family. His leave of absence was for
six Months, but three of them having already elapsed he wished the term
to be prolonged, to which I told him there would be no objection though
it was desirable he should go back without any unnecessary delay.
Mr
Archer of Maryland likewise called at the Office— Spent
the Evening at Madame de
Neuville’s. Among the company was R. W. Meade with whom I had some
conversation concerning his claim— Sergeant this day presented to the House of
Representatives a Memorial, demanding payment of the whole Amount of his
claim upon Spain, as liquidated nearly two years after the Treaty was
signed, and he has written to ask for a copy of my Report to the
President upon his Memorial to him. I told him that a copy should
readily be furnished him, but that there were several statements in his
Memorial and in his Letter to the President incorrect in point of fact.
Among the rest was one that I had told him his claim was included in the
renunciations of the Treaty. He insisted that I had. I recapitulated the
substance of the conversation I had with him on the 11th. of last Month, all which he admitted,
excepting that he maintained I had told him positively that his claim
was included in the Treaty, when I had only said to him that I supposed
it to be so; stating expressly at the same time that the Treaty must
speak for itself; and that the Commissioners must decide upon it— I also
now told him that in expressing the opinion that his claim was included
in the Treaty, I neither did nor could mean that it was provided for in
a different manner from all others— I spoke of his claim as it existed
when the Treaty was signed, subject to examination and liquidation by
the Commissioners like all others— Nor had I ever considered the Treaty
as stipulating for the payment of the whole of his claim— He said that
he could not consent to have his claim subjected to the examination of
the Commissioners— I also remarked upon his statement that he had been
informed that General Vivés had been
ordered on exchanging the ratifications of the Treaty, to declare that
the Spanish Government had expressly understood that this claim was
provided for, specially by the Treaty— General Vivés had never said a
word to me on the subject. He said No—that Vives was a timid man; and
when he Meade had called upon him to make this declaration had declined
doing it, because he had not been expressly instructed to do so. Upon
the whole, these proceedings give me a very indifferent opinion of
Meade’s character, and his misconception, or misrepresentation of what I
said to him; on the 11th. of January shews
how dangerous it is to have any conversation
at-all with such a man, without a witness to it.
