John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

23. VI: In consequence of my neglect to have my Deed from the Ways of my House in F. Street, recorded within six Months from the day of its date, I find myself under the necessity of having it executed again: on discovering the consequences of my carelessness, I immediately sent the deed to Andrew Way, and desired him to have it executed and acknowledged anew. He brought me back the deed, and declared his readiness to do every thing necessary to validate the conveyance; but observed that as it must also be re-executed by his father, at Philadelphia, and re-acknowledged by some person here, with power from him to that effect, the whole deed must be re-drawn; and he left it with me for that purpose. I accordingly this morning, copied over the former Deed, leaving the date in blank, and sent it to Way for re-execution. Mr Ninian Edwards Senator from Illinois, called at my Office, 530chiefly for the purpose of recommending several persons, for offices in the new acquisition of Florida, among the rest he wishes Mr John Pope of Kentucky to be appointed one of the three Commissioners of Claims—and also that a Mr Walton of Georgia, specially and most earnestly recommended by Mr Walker the Senator from Georgia, may receive the appointment of territorial Secretary— The President has already written to General Jackson, offering him the Office of Governor of the Territory— I received a Note from the President, with a large bundle of applications and recommendations for Office, to be classed. He also requested me to call upon him before dinner— I received two Notes from General Vives referring to two Articles of the ratified Treaty, with a demand of measures for carrying them into execution— I took them to the President, and had his assent to the answers which I propose to give there. The President read to me some detached paragraphs of the Address which he proposes to deliver at his second inauguration. Some question has been suggested to the President whether he should deliver on that occasion, any address; some of his Virginian friends having taken a fancy that it is anti-republican, and not authorised by the Constitution— I entertained no such opinion, but told him that if he concluded to omit the address; notice of his intention should be given in the newspapers, as there would be a great concourse of people; to witness his taking the Oath; and they would be much disappointed, if there should be nothing but that naked ceremony. He will refer the question to a cabinet consultation. The President also mentioned to me that Mr. Levitt Harris had been with him and exhibited to him a number of Letters which he, Harris had received from me, some of them highly confidential— That Harris had told him the trial of his action against W. D. Lewis for Slander was expected soon to come on at Philadelphia. I received last week a Letter from Lewis informing me that a Commission from the Court had issued to take my deposition. The President said Harris had told him that he should prove at the trial that all the witnesses against him in Russia, were perjured villains, and had intimated that if I should testify to any thing which I had heard against him from them, he might be compelled in his own defence, to produce to the Court and Jury these confidential Letters from me, written some of them after I had left Russia, to prove that I considered him still as a person worthy of confidence— But there were passages in the Letters not relevant to the Cause upon trial, which it might not be for the public interest, or which I might be personally unwilling to disclose to public view; and Harris said he had brought the Letters that the President and I myself might mark the passages, which we would wish to have withheld from the Court and Jury— Harris had read to the President several passages which he himself considered as of that character; and particularly one of a Letter from Ghent, written towards the close of the year 1814 and which took a gloomy view of the state of public affairs at that time— Harris had not left the Letters with the President, but the paragraph spoke of Great-Britain of the other European Powers and of our own Affairs, in a manner which might have some unfavourable effect if now published— Not in the slightest degree upon my patriotism or integrity; but it might excite a temporary prejudice against me, particularly on the score of discretion in committing such Sentiments to a European Post-Office at that time— The President said he had not promised Harris that he would speak to me on the subject at-all. He had for some time hesitated whether he should mention it to me; but he had finally concluded to make this communication to me, and leave me to determine for myself, what it would be proper for me to do. If the information that I had, unfavourable to Harris, was merely of hearsay from these persons in Russia, I might with propriety decline giving testimony in the case— I told the President that my knowledge of Harris’s conduct, as implicated in the trial of this cause, was by no means limited to hearsay. I knew much from personal observation, and most of all from Harris’s own admissions. That I wrote confidentially to Harris upon public affairs, I well remembered, and that there might 531be in those Letters many indiscretions, and many things not suitable to the public eye, was highly probable; how far a Court of Justice would admit the production of such papers, having no relation to the cause before them I knew not, but if they were to be produced for the purpose of discrediting my testimony, whatever their effect might be, I must abide by the consequences— I then added that I could not but consider this application of Mr Harris, as very extraordinary, nor was it possible for me to avoid ascribing it to motives which I could not approve— It had the appearance of an attempt to deter me from testifying what I do know, by a threat of divulging something which I might be afraid should be known of myself. Such a threat I could treat no otherwise than with defiance. I should testify of Mr Harris, nothing but the truth, nor should I say one word the more or the less, for any thing that it was in Mr Harris’s power to produce, as having passed between him and me— The President said that he had told Harris that this step would be liable to such a construction on my part; and it had been his own reason for doubting whether he ought to have mentioned it to me at-all— But he should see Harris again, and would tell him that he should decline all further interposition in the case.— On returning home from the President’s I looked into my old Letter Books; and found in the Public Letter Book, Volume 2. all the Letters to Harris, which I wrote him from Ghent, and among the rest the Letter from which he had read the extract to the President. I saw immediately, Harris’s drift, first in reading this extract to the President; secondly, in the threat of producing it to the Court and Jury; and thirdly in the offer to withhold it, if the President or I would express the wish that it should be withheld— It is in page 192. 193. of the Letter Book dated the 16th of November 1814— In describing the dangers of our situation, it said among other things that we had a “feeble and penurious Government”— Harris thought the President would take this as a reflection upon the administration of that time and that it would excite his distrust of me— The extract spoke in terms of extreme bitterness against the British Government and certain British Officers by name— It spoke of the policy, pursued by the other powers of Europe, not excepting Russia, with Anger and Indignation— In my present public situation, I might be very unwilling that the British and Russian Governments should know, what I thought of them then. The extract spoke of the retreat of the British from Plattsburg, and of their repulse from Baltimore, as more disgraceful to them than glorious to us; the publication of which would wound the National pride of the Country— All this had no more relation to the cause of Harris upon trial, than it had to the trial of Jonathan Wild the great; but Harris fancied I should be afraid of having it come before the public, and took this indirect way through the President to remind me of what he can do, if hard pushed; and above all to deter me from producing his Letters of 3, 4. and 6. June 1812. My course of proceeding was at once plain before me— To tell the President that Harris might produce any Letter from me that he possessed, and to explain to him my motives which I perfectly recollected for writing to Harris that Letter, at that time— I spent this Evening at home.