r
Wirt. He had brought the papers concerning the proposed
accomodation to be furnished by the Bank of the United States to the
Government; but the President had
not heard before, one word of the deficit in the revenue. His motives
for coming here were principally relating to the state of our foreign
affairs; and chiefly with regard to Portugal and France. I had a
conversation of nearly three hours with him upon these points which it
is impossible for me to record in detail. With regard to Portugal he
seemed inclined to ascribe the hostile aspect of our relations with her
in a great measure to the ill-will of the Abbe Correa, to whom he imputed motives not very
laudable— The abbe has been upon a visit to Mr
Jefferson to whom he talked so much about an American
system in which his Government and ours should be united, and by concert
with the European powers, should agree to keep the Coasts of this
Hemisphere clear of Pirates, on condition that they should sweep the
Seas of the Eastern hemisphere clear of Barbary Pirates, that Mr Jefferson had been disposed to favour the
project, and thought it might be carried into effect, so that our
Squadron might be withdrawn from the Mediterranean.— The President said
he had observed to the President that an American system upon that plan
would be an alliance between the United States and Portugal against the
South-American Independents, which was hardly reconcileable with any
just view of our policy, and this was certainly true— I added that the
Abbe had more than once broached this subject of an American system to
be concerted between the two great Powers of the western Hemisphere;
meaning the United States and Portugal— I had never disturbed the abbe
in his romancing; but Portugal and the United States are the two great
American powers, much as a jolly-boat and the Columbus are two great
line of battle-ships—and as to an American System, Independent of
Europe, Portugal is neither American nor Independent: So long as
Portugal shall recognize the house of Braganza for her Sovereign, so
long the house of Braganza will be European and not American; a
Satellite and not a primary Planet— As to an American System, we have
it; we constitute the whole of it—there is no community of interests or
of principles between North and South-America. Mr Torres,
and Bolivar and O’Higgins talk about an American
system as much as the abbe Correa—but there is no basis for any such
system— The President said Mr Jefferson had
told the Abbe that as to the appointment of Commissioners to try the
captures of Portuguese property by Baltimore pirates, it was out of the
question—there could be no such thing— That the Abbe had been
exceedingly irritable, and talked under very high excitement; for which
Mr Jefferson could not account— I said
that in his communications with me here; the Abbe had been mild and
moderate— That I believed the subject was very disagreeable to him, and
that he was very glad to be relieved from all further agency relating to
it— But I had no difficulty in accounting for his excitement and
irritability— The Portuguese property taken by the Pirates, notoriously
and openly fitted out in Baltimore; officered and manned by our own
People was enough to make any man in his situation irritable. The
sufferers of course immediately resorted to their Government, and the
Government by their Instructions to him— It was my opinion that Portugal
had real grounds of complaint against us, and that if the case had been
reversed, and we had suffered in the same way, and to the same extent by
her People, we should have declared War against her without hesitation.
War was not to be dreaded from her—she had too strong an interest
against it; but she might assail us by commercial regulations and
restrictions, and the Abbe had told me she infallibly would— The
President wished me to write to the Abbe and call for his proofs against
the naval Officers and judges of the United States whom he has
denounced, and also his proofs in all the cases of Portuguese vessels
captured by Baltimore Pirates— He 420said if there
was proof against any of our naval officers they ought to be dismissed;
and if against any of the judges, it should be laid before Congress—
With regard to France he thought that notwithstanding the resentment of
France at our late Tonnage duty, the French Government after satisfying
their own pride will conclude to negotiate— He wished me therefore to
draw up instructions for Mr Gallatin upon
all the points in discussion between the two Countries— The
discriminating Tonnage duties, direct and indirect—the Consular
Convention—the delivery of deserting Mariners—the Claims of our Citizens
upon the French Government—and a claim on the part of France of special
privileges in Louisiana— I asked him on what principles the Instructions
upon each of these points were to be drawn— I told him what I supposed
would be the proposals of France on the Tonnage duties—that is that the
duties on both sides should be so proportioned that each party should
have half the shipping employed between them— I stated their argument
upon it; that upon equal terms they cannot stand a competition with us
in navigation, and that the advantages which our navigators have over
theirs must in some manner be countervailed to enable them to have their
just proportion of the carrying trade— He said he thought there was
weight in it; but I observed I did not see how we could possibly assent
to the principle. We had offered to all the world entire reciprocity.
Great Britain, and several other Nations had accepted the proposal—
France now called upon us to agree to be clogged, in order to enable her
people to hold competition with us— If we should assent, our own people
would first be dissatisfied, and next, all the Nations with which we
have stood on terms of reciprocity— We should have clamour and
discontent from all quarters. As to the Consular Convention, that, with
France was an affair of State— She wanted by means of Consular
Jurisdictions, to retain all her power over Frenchmen in this Country—
The operation of the system was always odious here— The old Congress had
refused to ratify the Convention which had been negotiated by Dr
Franklin— Mr Jefferson finally
signed one with the Comte de
Montmorin; which was the most unpopular Treaty ever made
by us— It gave constant dissatisfaction while it lasted, and would be no
less disapproved if now renewed. The President thought it would be best
to keep the subjects separate, and to postpone the matter of the
Consular Convention— That we should agree to the Article for restoring
deserting Seamen; and persist in rejecting the claim of privilege in
Louisiana— With regard to the claims of our Citizens as there will be no
prospect of obtaining any indemnity for them at present, Mr
Gallatin should be instructed to endeavour to obtain an
article stipulating that they shall be considered hereafter— On
returning to my Office I began the draft of Instructions to Mr Gallatin— Mrs
Adams and Mrs Smith returned home this
day, from Frederick— After a stormy, but very sultry day, the Evening
cleared off cold.
