John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
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Wirt. He had brought the papers concerning the proposed
accomodation to be furnished by the Bank of the United States to the
Government; but the President had
not heard before, one word of the deficit in the revenue. His motives
for coming here were principally relating to the state of our foreign
affairs; and chiefly with regard to Portugal and France. I had a
conversation of nearly three hours with him upon these points which it
is impossible for me to record in detail. With regard to Portugal he
seemed inclined to ascribe the hostile aspect of our relations with her
in a great measure to the ill-will of the Abbe Correa, to whom he imputed motives not very
laudable— The abbe has been upon a visit to Mr
Jefferson to whom he talked so much about an American
system in which his Government and ours should be united, and by concert
with the European powers, should agree to keep the Coasts of this
Hemisphere clear of Pirates, on condition that they should sweep the
Seas of the Eastern hemisphere clear of Barbary Pirates, that Mr Jefferson had been disposed to favour the
project, and thought it might be carried into effect, so that our
Squadron might be withdrawn from the Mediterranean.— The President said
he had observed to the President that an American system upon that plan
would be an alliance between the United States and Portugal against the
South-American Independents, which was hardly reconcileable with any
just view of our policy, and this was certainly true— I added that the
Abbe had more than once broached this subject of an American system to
be concerted between the two great Powers of the western Hemisphere;
meaning the United States and Portugal— I had never disturbed the abbe
in his romancing; but Portugal and the United States are the two great
American powers, much as a jolly-boat and the Columbus are two great
line of battle-ships—and as to an American System, Independent of
Europe, Portugal is neither American nor Independent: So long as
Portugal shall recognize the house of Braganza for her Sovereign, so
long the house of Braganza will be European and not American; a
Satellite and not a primary Planet— As to an American System, we have
it; we constitute the whole of it—there is no community of interests or
of principles between North and South-America. Mr Torres,
and Bolivar and O’Higgins talk about an American
system as much as the abbe Correa—but there is no basis for any such
system— The President said Mr Jefferson had
told the Abbe that as to the appointment of Commissioners to try the
captures of Portuguese property by Baltimore pirates, it was out of the
question—there could be no such thing— That the Abbe had been
exceedingly irritable, and talked under very high excitement; for which
Mr Jefferson could not account— I said
that in his communications with me here; the Abbe had been mild and
moderate— That I believed the subject was very disagreeable to him, and
that he was very glad to be relieved from all further agency relating to
it— But I had no difficulty in accounting for his excitement and
irritability— The Portuguese property taken by the Pirates, notoriously
and openly fitted out in Baltimore; officered and manned by our own
People was enough to make any man in his situation irritable. The
sufferers of course immediately resorted to their Government, and the
Government by their Instructions to him— It was my opinion that Portugal
had real grounds of complaint against us, and that if the case had been
reversed, and we had suffered in the same way, and to the same extent by
her People, we should have declared War against her without hesitation.
War was not to be dreaded from her—she had too strong an interest
against it; but she might assail us by commercial regulations and
restrictions, and the Abbe had told me she infallibly would— The
President wished me to write to the Abbe and call for his proofs against
the naval Officers and judges of the United States whom he has
denounced, and also his proofs in all the cases of Portuguese vessels
captured by Baltimore Pirates— He 420said if there
was proof against any of our naval officers they ought to be dismissed;
and if against any of the judges, it should be laid before Congress—
With regard to France he thought that notwithstanding the resentment of
France at our late Tonnage duty, the French Government after satisfying
their own pride will conclude to negotiate— He wished me therefore to
draw up instructions for Mr Gallatin upon
all the points in discussion between the two Countries— The
discriminating Tonnage duties, direct and indirect—the Consular
Convention—the delivery of deserting Mariners—the Claims of our Citizens
upon the French Government—and a claim on the part of France of special
privileges in Louisiana— I asked him on what principles the Instructions
upon each of these points were to be drawn— I told him what I supposed
would be the proposals of France on the Tonnage duties—that is that the
duties on both sides should be so proportioned that each party should
have half the shipping employed between them— I stated their argument
upon it; that upon equal terms they cannot stand a competition with us
in navigation, and that the advantages which our navigators have over
theirs must in some manner be countervailed to enable them to have their
just proportion of the carrying trade— He said he thought there was
weight in it; but I observed I did not see how we could possibly assent
to the principle. We had offered to all the world entire reciprocity.
Great Britain, and several other Nations had accepted the proposal—
France now called upon us to agree to be clogged, in order to enable her
people to hold competition with us— If we should assent, our own people
would first be dissatisfied, and next, all the Nations with which we
have stood on terms of reciprocity— We should have clamour and
discontent from all quarters. As to the Consular Convention, that, with
France was an affair of State— She wanted by means of Consular
Jurisdictions, to retain all her power over Frenchmen in this Country—
The operation of the system was always odious here— The old Congress had
refused to ratify the Convention which had been negotiated by Dr
Franklin— Mr Jefferson finally
signed one with the Comte de
Montmorin; which was the most unpopular Treaty ever made
by us— It gave constant dissatisfaction while it lasted, and would be no
less disapproved if now renewed. The President thought it would be best
to keep the subjects separate, and to postpone the matter of the
Consular Convention— That we should agree to the Article for restoring
deserting Seamen; and persist in rejecting the claim of privilege in
Louisiana— With regard to the claims of our Citizens as there will be no
prospect of obtaining any indemnity for them at present, Mr
Gallatin should be instructed to endeavour to obtain an
article stipulating that they shall be considered hereafter— On
returning to my Office I began the draft of Instructions to Mr Gallatin— Mrs
Adams and Mrs Smith returned home this
day, from Frederick— After a stormy, but very sultry day, the Evening
cleared off cold.
