John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Macon the Senator from
North-Carolina, called with T. H.
Hall, a member of the House, from the same State— Macon
spoke about a copy of a Treaty with the Cherokee Indians for which he
applied some days since at the Office— It had been prepared and sent to
him this morning, but he had not yet received— I appointed one O’Clock
this day to receive General Vivés, at
which time he came, and delivered a Letter of recall from the King of Spain to Mr Onis, and a
Letter from Onis to me, enclosing it. He at the same time said he had to
ask an Audience of the President
to deliver a credential Letter from his Sovereign. I told him I would
immediately take the President’s directions; and give him notice of the
time which the President should fix— I received a summons from the
President to attend a Cabinet Meeting at his house at two O’Clock. All
the members of the Administration were there. A warrant had issued last
week for the Execution of John D.
Ferguson and Israel
Denny, two of the men convicted of Piracy at Baltimore—and
the day fixed was the day after to-morrow. This morning a petition,
signed by four thousand inhabitants of that City, for their pardon, was
brought to the President, by the two Members from the City, and two
persons of respectable character had come on purpose to bring the
petition— There was a representation also, setting forth many
extenuating circumstances in their behalf, but that was not signed; and
there were Letters from judge
Bland, and others, among which one from Mr
Hoffman, pleading for them— The unsigned paper stated
particularly that Ferguson at the commencement of our late War with
England had been an impressed Seaman in the British Navy; that he had
given himself up as a prisoner, and refused to serve against his
Country— That he had then discovered a key to the signals used in the
British Navy; and had transmitted it to the Navy Department here of
which Mr
William Jones was then the Secretary— The question upon
the pardon was then discussed in a desultory manner, and there appeared
to much wavering in the mind of every one. The President finally asked
my opinion first, and I gave it in favour of a reprieve for two Months
now; and for the substitution of a long imprisonment of several years,
instead of death, for these and all the other cases of simple piracy,
and executing only those which had been complicated with murder. In this
case the worst act had been that of taking 2300 dollars from a Spanish
vessel, without injury or even insult to any person. It was with great
reluctance, and only from a deep conviction of the peculiar necessity of
making an example at Baltimore that I had before assented to the
Execution of these two men— But here was now a petition it might be said
from the whole City— The case of these men was hard— Their Captain,
Daniels, the man who had seduced
them to their crime, had been tried for a case in which the life of the
Master of an English Merchant vessel had been lost by his act; who had a
hundred piracies and as many murders upon his soul; this man had been
discharged by Judge Bland, and was walking the Streets of Baltimore; and
holding his head as high as any man; all the principals and ringleaders
in these privateering piracies had escaped— They were triumphant against
311every prosecution, while these poor ignorant
creatures, the mere mortal instruments of their guilt, were to suffer
death. Besides, in the general opinion their case was not that of mere
unqualified Piracy. They had a sort of colour of Commission; a spurious
but yet plausible connection with the cause of the South American
Patriots— The compassion of the public would be turned in their favour,
and indeed there might be reason to apprehend a popular movement at
Baltimore, to prevent their execution. At least a great odium would be
excited against the Administration for it— Mr Calhoun concurred in
this opinion, though more doubtfully; and inclining to the execution—
Mr Crawford was decidedly for the execution. He
had no doubt of the right of the Legislature to affix the punishment of
Death to any atrocious crime— They had now affixed it to Piracy; and the
question now was, should the Law be executed or not— If not executed in
this case, it ought not to be executed in any of the others; and the Law
would then be a dead Letter— That this was a case of mere Piracy,
without murder, made it so much the better, as a test for the execution
of the Law— And if they had met with resistance it is to be presumed
they would have committed murder— As to their connection with the
South-American cause, it was pretended, and not real— Plunder was their
object, and they were equally ready to take it from all Nations—
Mr
Thompson was very unwilling to give any opinion, and
Mr
Wirt said he was divided between two opinions— All the
reasoning however was in favour of the Execution— After sitting till
near five O’Clock, the President was yet undecided and adjourned the
Meeting till ten O’Clock to-morrow Morning. He desired me as I should be
returning home to call at Mr Duval’s, where Mr Jones, the former Secretary of the Navy,
now in the City, lodges, and enquire of him if he had any recollection
of the alledged fact of Ferguson’s having transmitted during the late
War a key to the British signals to the Navy Department. I had a
reprieve made out, ready to be signed if the President should so
determine, and on my way home called at Mr
Duval’s, where I saw Mr Jones. He had no
recollection of the transmission of the key to the British signals, by
Ferguson, but said he would make enquiries of Mr Duval, who was at the time referred to a Clerk in the Navy
Department, and would write me the result. He also referred me to
Mr
Homans the Chief Clerk of the Department, to ascertain if
there was any evidence on the files to elucidate the fact— At the door
of my house I found the two persons who had brought the petition from
Baltimore, waiting for the answer. I told them the President had not yet
come to a determination, and requested them to call for it at eleven
O’Clock to-morrow. The President had fixed one O’Clock to receive
General Vivés, half past one, Mr Greuhm, and a quarter before
two, Mr
Antrobus—of which notice was given them, and that I would
meet them at the President’s house— Our weekly party was this Evening,
fully attended. Sergeant told me
some anecdotes about the Caucus— Quarles played the Speaker’s Chair before his eyes also,
to induce his attendance, but without success. In case of a vacancy, he
would be one of the Candidates, and some think would be chosen. S. Smith told him he should be his
competitor.
