29 March 1820
adams-john10 Neal MillikanFamily Finances (Adams Family)Foreign RelationsHealth and IllnessReligionLatin American Wars of IndependenceUS Constitution

29829. IV:30. My anxiety for Charles gave me an almost sleepless Night, and roused me this Morning an hour before day. W. S. Smith watched with him. He had a more quiet night than those that preceded; but continues so ill that Dr Huntt found it necessary to bleed him. This in the course of the day relieved him a little— There was an examination yesterday at Mr Ironside’s school which he requested me to attend— But I was obliged to excuse both myself and Charles. This Morning B. O. Tyler came with his Deed of the Square 592 which I had agreed to purchase of him; and as he had here his Carry-all (Carriole) I went with him and found that Square. There was a man upon the spot; ploughing up the ground who upon enquiry said his name was Pomphrey, and that he had rented this Square with two or three others for several years of Robert Brent junr. and Mr Pearson. They told him he had a Deed of the Land from the Mayor of the City and had sold it to me. At this information he appeared uneasy; but I told him that at all events I would give him no trouble, and if I should finally become the owner of the Land, I would agree to any equitable arrangement by which, he should pay me the proportion of the rent for this year, which the Square bears to the whole parcel rented by him. I returned Tyler his Deed till we can ascertain by what claim Brent junr. and Pearson rent it; and by what right it was sold to Tyler for the taxes— After calling at my Office, I attended at one O’Clock the Meeting of the President’s. Messrs Crawford, Calhoun and Thompson, the Secretary of the Navy were there; the latter having returned on the 23d. from New York— He walked in the procession at Decatur’s funeral— Wirt was not at the Meeting this day; being confined, unwell at home. The President proposed for consideration the question, upon the proposal of Manual Torres, that the Government should sell upon credit to the Republic of Colombia, any number short of twenty thousand Stand of Arms, to enable them to extend the South-American Revolution into Peru and Mexico— By one of those Back-stair proceedings which I often feel, without seeing, a Report has been made from the Ordinance department to the Secretary of War, just at the critical moment, that there are some thousand stand of English arms, which might, with advantage to the public service, be sold— In all this General Mason of Georgetown, and Coll. Bomford of the Ordnance department have some concern— At first it was said there were eight thousand Stand; then it was reduced to four, and now Calhoun says, not more than two thousand— Duane, knew all this when he wrote his place-hunting Letters to Coll. R. M. Johnson, for he wants to smuggle a commission of five per cent out of the transaction for himself— To this complection ninety-nine hundredths of the South-American Patriotism, which has for three years been flaunting in such gorgeous colours in this Country must come at last— Well— The question was first discussed whether the Executive could sell at-all, without a special authority from Congress, arms, belonging to the Public. This was principally between Mr Crawford, and Mr Calhoun— The right of the Executive to sell was maintained by Calhoun, entirely upon the ground of usage, and yet he adduced no well authenticated precedent of a sale without a special authority by Law— This conversation came to no determinate result— There was reference to a certain loan of gunpowder, which was made by this same Ordnance Department in 1816. which was afterwards worked into an exchange; then into a purchase and finally became a total loss to the public; and it actually went to these same South-Americans, who with the richest mines in the world, now want arms upon credit, and offer to furnish specie hereafter; for arms to be delivered now— This gunpowder plot shews to be sure how the Executive may dispose of public ammunition—and why not arms?—without authority from Congress— But unluckily, during this very Session this loan of gunpowder has been made a subject of enquiry by Congress, and although no vote of censure has passed upon it, it has left a slimy track of public opinion behind— Just upon the back of this detection it would not be safe to make an experiment of selling upon credit, arms to carry the South-American Revolution into Peru and Mexico. There was a strong wish expressed by Calhoun and Thompson, that we might furnish these arms if we could— Crawford was less explicit, and more shy— I gave no opinion, till directly appealed to by him—observing that it was a question particularly involving the Foreign Relations, and of the resort of the Department of State— What says Mr Adams? I said there was no hesitation in my Mind— To supply the arms professedly for the purpose set forth in the Memorial of Torres would be a direct departure from neutrality; an act of absolute hostility to Spain, for which the Executive was not competent by the Constitution, without the authority of Congress— This was enough for me— But I would go no further— It would in my opinion be not only an act of War, but of wrongful and dishonourable War; committed in the midst of professions of neutrality— It would also be as impolite, as wrongful and unconstitutional— Neutrality to foreign Wars had from the establishment of the Constitution of the United States, been justly and wisely fixed as the permanent policy of this Nation— It was of the utmost importance to adhere inflexibly to that system— Between it, and that of mingling in every European National War, I saw no middle term; and if we once departed from it I saw no other prospect for this nation than a career of washing their blood-stained hands in blood, upon every principle therefore of right, 299of Justice, of Policy and of Humanity, I was opposed to the measure— There was thenceforth not a word said in its favour— Crawford intimated to me that he did not agree with me as to its being an act of War. Thompson asked him, what he would say if the same application should be made by the other party—Spain—to which he replied laughing that he should certainly reject it— At all Events he said it was a measure not expedient to be taken without the concurrence of the Legislature— Calhoun was most struck with the Constitutional difficulty, and thought the refusal ought to be put upon that point— The decision was unanimous that the proposal could not be complied with, and I am to answer Mr Torres accordingly. A remark that I have occasion frequently to make is that moral considerations seldom appear to have much weight in the minds of our Statesmen, unless connected with popular feelings. The dishonourable feature of giving secret aid to the revolutionists while openly professing neutrality, was barely not denied— The President admits it. No one else seems to think it ought to stand in the way of measures otherwise expedient, especially if supported by popular prejudice. My own deliberate opinion is, that the more of pure moral principle is carried into the policy and conduct of a Government, the wiser and more profound will that policy be. If it is not the uniform course of human events that virtue should be crowned with success, it is at least the uniform will of Heaven, that virtue should be the duty of man— There is one event to the righteous and to the wicked:— Time and Chance happeneth to them all. So says divine Revelation, and so proves constant experience— The path of virtue is indeed not always clear; and in the complication of human affairs, artifice and simulation itself must occasionally be practised— The sternest moralists allow it in time of War and there may perhaps be occasions when it is justifiable in contemplation of War, or defensively against deceptions of the same kind— But it may I believe be laid down as an universal maxim, that fraud is never justifiable, where force would not be equally justifiable to effect the same object. Fraud is therefore a weapon essentially belonging to the relations of War; and in them to be very sparingly resorted to; for every instance of it, even when justifiable, tends when discovered to impair the confidence of mankind, in the sincerity and integrity of him who uses it— I passed this Evening at home—

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