John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Daniel Pope Cook, a member of the new Congress
from the State of Illinois, and afterwards Mr Henry Baldwin, with
Coll.
Bomford called on me this Morning— This was the day upon
which the Sixteenth Congress of the United States, first met, according
to the Constitution. a Quorum of both Houses was formed, and Henry Clay of Kentucky was chosen Speaker
of the House of Representatives, by 147 of 155 votes. James Barbour of Virginia took the
Chair of the Senate as President pro Tem. in the absence of the Vice-President. At my Office I was
called upon by Mr Antrobus the British Charge d’Affaires, who
spoke to me on the subject of two Notes which he has lately addressed to
me, upon subjects, which at the instance of Mr Bagot had been before
Congress last Winter, but were not finally acted upon— He also said that
Sir Charles Saxton had
applied to him to be presented to the President— General
Tayloe had offered to go with him; but Sir Charles had
thought it would be better that he should be presented by the
Representative of his own Government— I went to the President’s, and he
appointed one O’Clock the day after to-morrow to receive Mr La
Serna; and also Mr Antrobus,
with Sir Charles Saxton— I found Mr Wirt with the President; who
was discussing with him the question about the part of his proposed
Message to Congress recommending an Amendment of the Constitution giving
Congress the power to make internal improvements by Roads and Canals— He
said he had deliberately considered the objections which I had suggested
the other day, and they had determined him to strike out all the
argumentative part, and to retain if anything only the passage in which
he enumerates all the 225advantages which the Union
would derive from the investment of such a power in Congress; and his
opinion that the power is not given by the Constitution— I renewed and
repeated all the arguments which I had before used, to prevail upon him
to leave it out altogether— There was as I had supposed a motive which
he had not mentioned till now for saying something upon the subject in
this message— When he was upon his tour last Summer, and passed through
Lexington Kentucky, Clay who lives there, was absent from home, at
New-Orleans, and was supposed to have absented himself on purpose— An
attempt was made by some of his partizans to make the inhabitants of the
town pass a slight upon the President, by omitting to shew him
attentions similar to those with which he had been received elsewhere.
The effect of it was that the respect shewn him there was rather more
strongly marked than in almost any other place— A Committee from the
town went out fifteen Miles from it to meet him, and accompanied by a
numerous cavalcade escorted him in. They presented him a very respectful
address; in which however they said something about internal
improvements— He answered by declaring that he was deeply impressed with
the importance and necessity of them; but believing that the Power to
make them had not been granted to Congress by the Constitution, he was
anxious that it should be given to them by amendment. With this they
professed to be entirely satisfied— It was to make known to the Nation
that his objections to the making of internal improvements by the
authority of Congress was neither to the improvements themselves, nor to
the necessity that Congress should possess the power of making them; but
simply that the power has not been given by the Constitution; that he
had thought of introducing this part of his Message— He finally asked
me, what I thought would be the impression in the Eastern States if he
should insert it— I said that as far as I knew any thing of the
sentiments of the Eastern States, the general impression there was of
satisfaction with his administration; and although there was there, as
elsewhere great division of opinion, upon the Constitutional power of
Congress to make internal improvements, yet all were disposed to
acquiesce in his opinion so far as not to wish to have the subject
agitated for the present— Mr Wirt said, that
unless such an amendment should pass, here was a great and important
power of Government which must remain inert— And if the President
thought its exercise necessary, was it not his duty to say so, even if
it was probable that it would produce no immediate effect— I replied
that the President, if it was a duty, had already discharged it. The
power must remain inert; if it were possible, which it certainly is not
to obtain two thirds of both Houses of Congress to vote for such an
Amendment, it would be utterly hopeless that three fourths of the State
Legislatures would ratify it. The Legislatures of all the large States
would be adverse to the grant; and if the President would permit me to
say so, none more than the Legislature of Virginia itself— I could not
pretend however to the knowledge of their sentiments which he must
possess— He said he thought they would ratify it; but Wirt told me was
of a different opinion— That judge
Roane, who was himself a host would be against such a
grant of power with all his weight and influence— After a long and
earnest discussion Wirt told the President that he believed it would be
better to omit the whole paragraph; and the President determined that he
would— This Resolution, importing as I know it does, a sacrifice both of
opinion and of feeling, affords a very strong proof of his magnanimity,
and of his disposition to listen to counsel—a disposition which in so
high a place is an infallible test of a great mind. The advice that I
have given him on this occasion was dictated by a pure regard for
himself, and a deep conviction that if he had introduced the subject
into the message at-all, it would have injured him and much increased
the disquietude of his future public service— Wirt intimated an
apprehension that New-York would make a handle of the President’s
opposition to internal improvements, to get up a party against his
re-election, and in favour of De Witt
Clinton— I told him Clinton had enough to do to maintain
himself as Governor of New-York, and would certainly have no party to
make him President at the next Election— The President turned to another
part of the Message, and read the paragraph that Wirt had drawn,
recommending a particular amendment to the Laws for preserving
neutrality— It was long, and dwelt entirely upon a matter of detail. The
President 226said he had read it yesterday to Mr Barbour the Senator, who had told him that
even that would excite some unfavourable feeling— I said I thought a
recommendation in more general terms, with a strong expression of
sentiment would be better, and the President drew a short paragraph to
that effect, which Mr Wirt preferred as a
substitute for his own. While we were there the Committee from the two
Houses, Macon and Burrill of the Senate, Hugh Nelson, and Storrs of the House came to inform the
President that a Quorum of both was formed, and that they were ready to
receive any communication from him— He received and answered that he
should send them a Message to-morrow, and then they came with him into
his Cabinet— I gave my hand to all of them— Storrs seemed for a moment
to hesitate whether he would take it, but it was an involuntary movement
which he subdued, and took it freely. He attacked me last Winter with
great violence in a Speech on the Seminole War debate, and since then
has seemed to avoid speaking to me, as if supposing I had taken offence
at it. But I had no such feeling— The President told me that several
members had come to him yesterday, and asked him whether it would be
advisable to displace Clay, as Speaker. He had advised against it— First
because it would be giving Mr Clay more
consequence than belongs to him. Secondly, because Mr Clay, in the course which he has pursued
and is pursuing against the administration has injured his own influence
more than theirs— If it should be necessary to put him down, let it be
done by his Constituents— Thirdly, because there is no member of the
Administration from the Western Country— It is gratifying to them to
have one of their members, Speaker of the House— There is no other
person from the Western Section, sufficiently eminent to put in
competition with him— If he should be dismissed they would feel hurt in
their pride, and be stimulated to take part with him— It would be best
to leave him his chair— In all this I think the President has acted and
spoken wisely— It was near five when I left the President’s— Evening at
the Journal.
