John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

3. VI:30. Immediately on going to the office this morning I sent and requested Mr Poletica, the Russian Minister to call there before Noon— He came, and I told him that I had asked to see him by the President’s direction. It was his intention, in the Message to Congress, when speaking of the refusal of Spain to ratify the Florida Treaty, to state that France and Great Britain had both manifested wishes favourable to the ratification— He wished to say the same of the Russian Government, if Poletica thought that it might be positively stated. He said it certainly might— He had written altogether in that Spirit to Tatischeff, and was confident it would be entirely approved by his government— I said we knew that Count Lieven and Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian Ambassador’s at London and Paris, had expressed such sentiments; but we had received intimations that Tatischeff’s conduct had not been equally friendly— He said he was not surprized at that— He had been suspicious it would be so. But he knew Tatischeff perfectly well; and if he had taken that part, it was to be in opposition to everything done by the British Ambassador; and to strengthen his own influence by shewing zeal for those to whom he was accredited— I went to the President’s at Noon, where there was a Cabinet Meeting— Crawford, Thompson and Wirt were present. The President read the draft of his Message, which is nearly prepared— It is less pleasing, and will I think be more criticised, than either of his former Messages, at the Commencement of the Sessions of Congress— It presents a situation of public affairs less auspicious, and a variety of topics, upon which there will probably be vehement debates. The question with Spain is drawn out more into detail, and yet is not shewn in so clear a light as I could have wished it might be. The recommendation is however as I had suggested that Congress should pass an act authorising the Executive to carry the Treaty into effect as if it had been ratified by Spain; but the authority to be contingent, and to be used at the discretion of the Executive, in case there should be no satisfactory result to the Negotiation, during the Session of Congress. The paragraphs respecting the South Americans, which the President told me he had drawn with modifications of the first draft were still so strongly expressed and so partial in their favour, that I was strongly apprehensive that they would produce effects not only in Spain, but throughout Europe— As I was aware that the only way to obtain any mitigation of the passage, was to make at once an objection to the whole, I asked after it had been read, whether it would not be advisable to omit the whole; in this, as I had expected I was opposed from all quarters; particularly from Mr Thompson, the Secretary of the Navy. He said if the Message should not express favourable sentiments of the South-Americans, the administration would be charged with having become hostile to them, and with insincerity towards them— I observed that this charge had already been made, and urged with all the ability and all the animation that the enemies of the administration could bring to it— That they had been harping upon it two years without intermission, and I thought there never was a topic upon which the strings of popular feeling had been touched with less success— A disposition sufficiently favourable to the South-Americans had been manifested in the Messages of the two preceding years. It was useless to repeat now what had been said before—it was not yet proposed to recognize their independence; and as we knew this to be the precise point upon which the obstacle to the ratification of the Treaty turned, I thought it highly inexpedient that anything should be said in the Message, upon which 221Spain could fasten, as a departure from neutrality, and which France and Russia might consider as at least tending to justify Spain in persisting to withhold ratification— Mr Wirt asked if the expression of opinions and wishes could be considered as a departure from neutrality— I said that in a Message from the chief magistrate to the Legislature, if not a positive breach of neutrality it was a very near approximation to it; and asked him how it would be viewed, if sentiments and wishes equally strong were expressed against the Colonies, and in favour of Spain— The President said we had made to Great-Britain and France, the proposal for a joint acknowledgment of Buenos-Ayres; which neither of them had accepted. But Britain had immediately made it known to Spain, and to all the rest of Europe, while it was not known to our own People. He thought it would be proper to avow it in the face of the world, and to assign reasons in justification of it, which could only drawn from exhibiting the Colonies, as having just claims to be recognised as independent— At the same time he wished by shewing to the People of this Country what had been done for the South-Americans, to take away from the enemies of the administration the pretence that it was not friendly to the Independent cause. Crawford said that all the rest of the world knew we had made this proposal to the French and English Governments; our own People did not know it. He thought it would be proper to inform them of it— I did not press the total omission of the paragraph; but then objected successively to its details, urging the general objection, to each part of a sentence, and making special question upon the principal statements contained in it— The President consented to strike out several of the strongest expressions, and softened down the whole as much as the other members would approve, and when it was brought to the point which they all thought acceptable, the President asked me again what I thought of it— I said in a tone of good humour which produced a general laugh—[“]Sir, to be quite candid with you, I have brought my mind to the conclusion, that the less there is said in this Message, upon South-America, the better it will be— Whatever therefore you will consent to strike out will in my judgment be an improvement; and whatever you conclude to retain, I must put up with, and make the best of it that I can— I have no ill will to the cause of the South-Americans— I have no doubt they will ultimately maintain their Independence; and that at a proper time it ought to be acknowledged— But at this moment I think we should avoid any thing, of which Spain might make a handle, and which would dispose France and Russia against us”— The paragraph was in fact expurgated, until I hope it will be harmless; unless the President should restore the obnoxious passages, or at least some of them, as I apprehend he may— I had as he desired drawn a short sentence, stating that France, Great-Britain and Russia were favourable to the Ratification of the Treaty— He had been promised by Mr Wirt a draft of a paragraph recommending a revision of the Laws against Piracy; but it was not produced— He adopted mine with some alteration— The statements respecting the Survey and Fortifications the Yellow-Stone expedition, the condition of the Navy, and the Finances drew forth few observations— On the pecuniary embarrassments of the Country, the distressed and decayed state of the manufactures, and the aspect of the Treasury Department, little was said, and I think the Message will be found meagre, by the Public— There was an introductory paragraph speaking of the reassembling of Congress at the Capitol, as an Event more important than it deserves. Crawford advised to let it down to a very brief and unassuming notice, or even to strike it out altogether— In the allusion to the State of the Treasury, the sums were announced in Millions of Dollars and so many Cents— Crawford proposed to strike out the Cents, and the dollars under hundreds of thousands; justly observing that round numbers, and general expressions were more suitable to an Executive Message; and that units and fractions of dollars might be left to the Report from the Treasury Department— When the rest of the Message, a very long one, was gone through, the President said, that was all, except one subject, which as this was a new subject Congress he thought it his duty to recommend to their consideration— He then produced a manuscript long enough itself for two moderate Messages, recommending the proposal by Congress of an Amendment to the Constitution, authorizing them to make internal improvements by Roads and Canals; with an elaborate argument to prove that the authority has not been given by the 222Constitution— It is a paper which he drew up last winter, and was then anxious to communicate in some way to Congress— He then read it at a Cabinet Meeting—but finally postponed producing it to the public at that time. After he had now read it through, a general silence ensued, until I remarked that when the Message at the commencement of the first Session of the last Congress was prepared I had taken the Liberty of suggesting some considerations upon which it appeared to me desirable that the whole paragraph should be omitted— I now retained the same opinion, and the course pursued by Congress on that subject since the former Message, had in my mind added new motives for the omission of it at present— The debates in the House of Representatives on that part of the former message had been full of imitation and not altogether respectful to the Executive— It had been asserted that the expression of his opinion had not been given the proper time, a large portion, perhaps a majority of the House of Representatives had voted for Resolutions in opposition to that opinion— There is a moral certainty that if the President now recommends the proposal of an amendment to the Constitution, it will be without effect— The argument will be encountered by argument, and a conflict between the Executive and the Legislative, always to be deprecated in the administration of this Government will not only be established, but appear to have been invited and provoked by the President, and under circumstances in which no useful purpose could be effected by it— I was however on this as on the former occasion without support from any other member of the Administration— The President admitted as usual that there was great weight in my suggestions, but said as this was a new Congress whose opinions might be supposed not pre-occupied on the question he thought it his duty to give them explicitly his opinions on the subject— Crawford was more wary than candid in his remarks— He balanced the reasons pro and con; admitted that it was an affair of great delicacy, and that this part of the message would be sharply criticised; but still flattered the President with the hope that there might be a majority of Congress agreeing in opinion with him, sufficient to carry an Amendment to the Constitution, which a competent number of the State Legislatures would ratify— Crawford knows better— But dans les malheurs de nos meilleurs amis nous trouvons toujours quelque chose qu’ne nous déplait pas— Crawford is not unwilling to see this disagreement between the President and Congress, fester and inflame— It will all turn to his account— Wirt hinged much upon the right of the President to recommend an amendment to the Constitution; and said Clay last winter had denied it— Crawford said Clay was heated— But that he was very likely to start such an objection— I observed that I had no doubt of the right; though as by the Constitution, Amendments are the only acts of the Legislature in which the President has no participation there may be some colour for the question; but it was upon the expediency of the recommendation that my doubts were founded. However, the President had determined, I have no doubt upon long determination, to send it; and he has probably motives for this measure which he has not disclosed— It is to all apparent purposes so injudicious, that the President who is a man of strong judgment, and great discretion would certainly not produce it, without objects to answer, adequate to balance the ill effects which he cannot but see it will be attended with in Congress— He has been brought into mortifying dilemma’s, by his declaration of faith on the internal improvement question; for Congress have passed acts to all appearance in the face of his opinions, which acts, he has with great reluctance approved— This has given the appearance of inconsistency between his doctrine and his conduct which he has severely felt, and he draws nice distinctions to reconcile them together, which will be sharply sifted in Congress and by the public— The Cabinet Meeting broke up between four and five O’Clock— Poletica called at my house this Evening, and shewed me three Letters which he had received since he had been with me in the Morning— One was from Count Nesselrode, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs; dated at St. Petersburg in September; it is in answer to Poletica’s first despatches after he arrived here, and expresses great satisfaction at the frankness and confidence of my communications with him; and a hope that they would be continued in the same Spirit— The second was from Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian Ambassador at Paris, and expresses great concern at the refusal of Spain to ratify the Treaty; and great apprehensions that we shall resort to force to take possession of Florida; by which it says we shall lose the good will of the European Powers which is now with us— The third was from Tatischeff—Russian Ambassador in Spain, but written at Paris; where he was on his way to St. Petersburg, on a leave of absence nine months— It was in answer to a Letter from Poletica to him, which was sent by the Hornet, and in which he 223urged him to use his influence with the Spanish Government in favour of the ratification of the Treaty, and recommends Forsyth to him— Tatischeff answer that he should have taken great satisfaction in promoting the ratification, but that Forsyth’s character was said to be unsocial (peu liant) and as he spoke none of the languages of the Continent of Europe, they could not converse together— Poletica said that he had brought those Letters to shew them to me; immediately after receiving them, to confirm, what he had told me this Morning.