John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r206Smith the Cashier asked me to come again in a few days,
and repeat the experiment, promising in the mean time to have the Scales
properly regulated. I shall therefore postpone marking the result. At
the Office I had visits from Mr Torres and from Poletica, the Russian Minister— I
told Torres that I had laid his papers before the President who had directed me to
receive from him any communications that he might be disposed to make—
He repeated that it was his full determination, and the intention of his
Government that he should do nothing which might give dissatisfaction to
the Government of the United States. He then said that he was charged to
open and extend friendly relations between the two Countries to the
utmost of his power— That he had orders to procure provisions for the
English troops of General
Devereux’s legion who had arrived in Venezuela, and whom
they could not maintain with the same kind of provisions which they
supplied their own countrymen with— That by the occupation of
New-Grenada, he hoped they would now have a good supply of funds, but
that previous to that event they were in want of immediate pecuniary
means. That through the medium of Mr John Sergeant, he had made a
proposal to the Bank of the United States to obtain from them, an
immediate sum of 500 000 dollars to be repaid within eighteen Months in
gold, and silver Bullion— It had at first been objected that the Bank
were restricted from making loans to a foreign Government; but he had
stated it was not precisely a loan that he wanted— The bank were
purchasing bullion— He offered to contract to furnish them with a given
quantity of it, to be supplied at a certain time and asked payment for
it in advance upon such terms as they might agree to— The subject was
now before the Bank for Consideration, and they might wish to know in
what light it would be considered by the Government. I promised to
mention it to the President; and said I was confident there would be no
objection on his part to the Government of Venezuela’s obtaining in this
Country any supplies of provisions for which they might have occasion—
That the Directors of the Bank must determine what contracts they may
legally make according to their Act of incorporation, and what they may
deem expedient for their interests; and that if they should find the
contract proposed by him within their powers and expedient, it would in
no manner be disapproved or discountenanced by this Government— He then
shewed me his Letter to Sergeant and said there were some other objects
of less importance upon which he should hereafter speak to me; and
intimated a wish to pay his respects to the President; as well as to
write me a Note expressive of the objects with which he is charged— He
asked for the return of his Papers; but they were locked up in the desk
of Mr
Purviance who was not at the Office— He said he would call
for them again— Poletica brought with him a despatch enclosed to
Pozzo di Borgo which he
asked me to forward for him— He repeated what he has said to me many
times before that he could send nothing by the way of England, because
the British Government opened all the Letters written by Russian
Ministers that ever came in their power. He spoke of South-American
Affairs and said it appeared they were in a state of complete anarchy at
Angostura. I told him quite the contrary— That the appointment of
Arismendi as Vice-President
was expected to give new energy to the management of their Affairs— That
the successes of Bolivar in
New-Grenada had been splendid, and unless Morillo should very soon receive reinforcements I thought
he would be compelled to abandon the Country— He said he thought there
was great exaggeration in the accounts of Bolivar’s success— He had but
three thousand men—what was it possible to do with 3000 men? I said
there was no doubt great exaggeration— But Bolivar had certainly taken
Santa Fé de Bogota, and New-Grenada was revolutionized— That this had
been accomplished by so small a force, indicated that the Mass of the
People favoured the Revolution, and that was the Spirit which Spain
never would subdue— He said that he was perfectly convinced that Spain
never would recover the dominion of 207those
Provinces, but he was equally confident that in seven years from this
time they would have no regular government. That I observed was entirely
a distinct question— I took this opportunity to tell him that about a
year ago, a proposition was made by this Government to that of
Great-Britain for an acknowledgment in concert of the Government of
Buenos Ayres; which was not accepted— I stated to him the principles
upon which it had been made, and I wished him to inform his Government
that the only reason why it was not at the same time made to the
Emperor was the reason we had
to suppose that the proposition itself would not only have been
unacceptable to him, but that it would not have been agreeable to him
that it should be made— For the same reason it was not made to France,
and as the President’s Message to Congress at their approaching Session
will communicate and make public the fact of the proposal made to
England, I said I wished him to assure his Government that it was made
to Great-Britain alone, not with the purpose of a partial concert with
her; but of a general concert of all the great European Powers with us—
If he had been here at the time when we made the proposal to
Great-Britain, I should have communicated it to him, and would have
conversed as freely with him concerning it as I had with the French Minister— But Mr
Daschkoff was not here; and the situation in which he
stood with this Government was such, that if he had been I could not
have communicated with him freely— He said there was a delicacy in his
touching upon this with his Government, as Daschkoff was now gone home,
and his personal prospects might be effected by any thing thus said of
him. I replied that it would be quite unnecessary; if he would
distinctly state the only reason why our proposition to recognize
Buenos-Ayres was not made to the Emperor at the same time that it was
made to England. He promised to do it, and told me he would shew me the
Memoir upon South-America, drawn up before the Congress at Aix la
Chapelle met.— We had a long discussion upon the propriety and
expediency of the recognition, in which I urged all the topics in its
favour, and he all the topics against it, though he strenuously denied
that Russia had any leaning in the case either against the
South-Americans or in favour of Spain. I hinted to him that after a
reasonable time if the great Powers of Europe, should continue to
decline the acknowledgment in concert with us; we should perhaps adopt
the measure ourselves. He appeared disposed to argue against this, but I
told him we must be the judge of our own policy; upon which he said he
was speaking only as an individual, and not as Russian Minister— He also
asked me for the papers he had lent me last winter about the holy
alliance, which I promised to have looked up and return to him. This
evening Mr S.
W. Dexter of Athens in the State of New-York, son of the
late Samuel Dexter of Boston
came, and asked me to recommend to him a lawyer here. He has to employ
one to support a claim which he has in his
wife’s right to 8000 acres of Land in the State of
Mississippi, under a British grant— He is himself on his way to Natchez
upon the same business. I named to him Mr Wirt, Walter Jones, F. S. Key and some others— Poletica paid
us an evening visit, but I was engaged in my chamber and not called
down.
