John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
204r
Greuhm, the Prussian Minister Resident came this morning,
and informed me that he had come to the determination to be married in
the course of a few days to Miss
Bridon; upon which I offered him my congratulations and my
best wishes. He said he was tired of living a wandering and solitary
life, as he had done these ten years— Solitude always distant from his
natural friends and kindred, and continually removing from one set of
acquaintance to another, had become irksome to him. He wanted somebody
to love; and he had found the tastes and sentiments and habits of Miss
Bridon so congenial to his own, that he had made up his mind to marry
her. He had also received from his Government, a leave of absence, of
which he should avail himself next Spring; and in the meantime, Mr
Middleton had been so obliging as to let them have his
house at Kalorama. He also told me much of the history of his own life,
and of that of his intended Bride, whose father had been wealthy, and had given her an excellent
education; but having by an unfortunate speculation lost his whole
fortune in one day, and shortly after died, had left his widow and two daughters entirely
destitute; and Miss Bridon had been obliged to maintain herself as
Governess to an American family, with whom she came from France; and
since then at Mr Middleton’s— Greuhm himself
is a native of Darmstadt; but has been ever since the year 1797 in the
Prussian Service— At Noon, after a mere call at the Office, I attended
at the President’s where Mr
Crawford and Mr Wirt soon afterwards came—
The President read to us, the portion of his Message that he has
prepared, and which was very little more than what he read to me last
week— It must in all probability undergo, an entirely new Modification
on its principal topic, our relations with Spain, upon the arrival of
the Hornet, which I still hope will be before the Meeting of Congress—
The recommendation of the President is to consider the Treaty as if it
was ratified, and to carry it into execution in the same manner— He had
drawn two concluding paragraphs referring to the contingency that Spain
should assume a hostile attitude; one of which was in general terms; and
the other more explicit; glancing at the propriety of occupying the
territory between the Sabine and the Rio Bravo— Crawford preferred the
general expressions, and told a Story about old Governor Telfair of Georgia, who
having got into a sharp correspondence with some Officer, and looking
over a draft of a Letter which his Secretary had prepared for him to the
Officer, pointed to a paragraph which struck him as too high toned, and
told his Secretary he would thank him to make that passage “a little more mysterious.” We all laughed very
heartily at the joke, which so pleased Crawford that he told the Story
over again in detail—but it was good upon repetition— He said he had
been conversing with Mr Lowndes, who told him that
both in England and France, every body with whom he had conversed,
appeared to be profoundly impressed with the idea, that we were an
ambitious and encroaching people; and he thought we ought to be very
guarded and moderate in our policy to remove this impression— I said I
doubted whether we ought to give ourselves any concern about it— Great
Britain after vilifying us twenty years as a mean low-minded, pedlaring
Nation having no generous ambition and no God but gold, had now changed
her tone and was endeavouring to alarm the world at the gigantic grasp
of our ambition— Spain had been doing the same; and Europe who even
since the commencement of our Government under the present Constitution
had seen those Nations intriguing with the Indians and negotiating to
bound us by the Ohio, had first been startled by our acquisition of
Louisiana, and now by our pretension to extend to the South Sea; and
readily gave credit to the envious and jealous clamour of Spain and
England against our ambition— Nothing that we could do or say would
remove this 205impression, until the world shall be
familiarized with the idea of considering our proper dominion to be the
Continent of North America. From the time when we became an independent
people, it was as much a Law of Nature that this should become our
pretension as that the Mississippi should flow to the sea— Spain had
possessions upon our Southern and Great Britain upon our Northern
border— It was impossible that centuries should elapse without finding
them annexed to the United States— Not that any spirit of encroachment
or ambition on our part renders it necessary; but because it is a
physical, moral and political absurdity that such fragments of
territory, with Sovereigns at fifteen hundred miles beyond sea,
worthless and burdensome to their owners should exist permanently
contiguous to a great, powerful, enterprizing and rapidly growing
Nation. Most of the Spanish territory which had been in our
neighbourhood, had already become our own; by the most unexceptionable
of all acquisitions; fair purchase, for a valuable consideration. This
rendered it still more unavoidable that the remainder of the Continent
should ultimately be ours. But it is very lately that we have distinctly
seen this ourselves; very lately that we have avowed the pretension of
extending to the South-Sea; and until Europe shall find it a settled
geographical element that the United States and North-America are
identical, any effort on our part to reason the world out of a belief
that we are ambitious, will have no other effect than to convince them
that we add to our ambition, hypocrisy— Crawford spoke of an Article in
the last Edinburgh Review, defending us against this charge of Ambition;
but if the world do not hold us for Romans, they will take us for Jews,
and of the two vices I had rather be charged with that which has
greatness mingled in its composition— On the part of the Message
relating to the South Americans there was little said. Crawford said he
had met Torres last Evening at
General Mason’s, and he had told
him, that the change in Venezuela, by which Arismendi had been placed at the head
of the civil Government, would be for the better; and give them new
energy— The message makes an advance towards a recognition, of
Buenos-Ayres, Chili and Venezuela; but not more than is warranted by
circumstances. There were two or three short paragraphs in the draft
relating to the late prevalence of the yellow fever—to the drought, and
the pecuniary embarrassments of the Country. They closed with
consolatory assurances that these evils had in a great measure ceased—
Crawford and Wirt both objected that this would be thought as regarded
the money concerns a flattering representation; and the President said
he would substitute in part removed, instead of a great measure. This
introduced a desultory conversation, upon various topics, and
particularly upon the Report which Crawford is to make to Congress upon
the currency— He said that scarcely any of the State Banks to whom he
had applied for returns of the state of their affairs had made them; and
he must wait to receive copies of those which they were obliged to make
to the respective State Legislatures— I spoke to the President and took
his directions concerning several of the current affairs of the Office—
On my return to it I found Dr Thornton there. He lent me
several volumes of the Philosophical Transactions; and among the rest
the volume for 1768. containing the account of Bird’s admeasurement of the old French
Toise; which I read this Evening— The Journal of the day employed the
rest of it, and was not completed— Cardelli below.
