John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Poletica, brought back the
copy of the Treaty, which I had lent him, and also copies of some of his
Instructions; and one of the Protocols of the Congress at Aix-La
Chapelle— It simply establishes the principle that the allied Powers
will hereafter consider a Resident, as an intermediate rank in
diplomatic etiquette, between Ministers of the second order, and chargés
d’Affaires; and that they will communicate to one another, their
respective regulations upon the subject of Salutes by Ships of War, in
order to agree upon some definitive general rule to be observed by all.
Poletica observed that he had communicated this Protocol, to Mr Hyde de
Neuville; who had heard nothing of it— But he observed
that as Mr
Greuhm is here with the character of Minister Resident
from Prussia, and had not been officially informed of this new
regulation, if he should feel any reluctance to complying with it, he
Poletica would very cheerfully yield the precedence to him— One of the
Instructions that he gave me to read was from the Emperor Alexander himself— It was in the
nature of a circular upon leaving Aix La Chapelle to all his Ministers
in foreign Countries, and its principal object was to direct them every
where to discountenance the idea, the he was the
founder of the system of the European Alliance, which he says the
enemies of the system 120industriously circulate
with bad intentions. He says that the system arose from the course of
Events, and the necessities of the times: that all were parties and all
the allied Sovereigns equally entitled to the credit of it— In this
instruction there is something of the Emperor’s sagacity; something of
his humility, and something of his vanity; for Alexander’s humility is
politic—and he is not a little vain of it— The instruction which he
takes the pains of writing with his own hands, relates entirely to his
own person; and his Ministers in complying with it, could not fail to
set forth by a due commentary upon this wonderful self denial, and
lowly-mindedness of their master the transcendent excellence of his
character. The other Instructions were from the Russian Ministry, and
related to various topics—one the affairs of Spain and South America;
and another concerning those of the United States and Spain— Poletica is
charged by all the means in his power, to promote an amicable
arrangement of the latter; but no opinion is given as to the merits of
the controversy— Some apprehension is expressed that the Government of
the United States, yielding to popular clamours will have recognized the
Independence of some of the South-American Colonies, before he arrives
here; but if not, his orders are to use all his endeavours, with every
suitable deference to this Government, to dissuade them from such an act
of hostility to Spain— He is also instructed to use his powers of
persuasion to prevail upon the Government of the United States, not to
associate itself with the European Alliance, but to pursue a course of
policy in harmony with them; hinting that a contrary course of policy
could not be carried into effect; and that the United States whether
willing or not, must follow the impulse of Europe combined— All this he
communicated to me, not officially, but in perfect confidence, in return
for that with which I had communicated to him the copy of the Treaty
with Spain— I entered into a long conversation with him upon these
various topics which is to be resumed hereafter. I assured him again of
the unabated friendly disposition of this Government towards the
Emperor; and of our earnest desire without being associated with the
European Alliance, to pursue a course of policy entirely in harmony with
theirs— That we were deeply penetrated with the importance of preserving
the general tranquility of the World, and had contributed our earnest
efforts to it so far, as it depended upon ourselves. That as to our
differences with Spain, he had upon his arrival here found them amicably
adjusted; subject only to the ratification of the King of Spain. That in agreeing to
that Treaty we had made very important sacrifices of our own claims, for
the sake of an amicable arrangement— Things had come to such a pass,
that the only alternative was a Treaty or a rupture. If the king of
Spain should ratify the Treaty, with the explanation to be given by
Mr
Forsyth at the Exchange of the Ratifications, there was no
prospect of any interruption to the general tranquility by any relations
of ours; but it was my private opinion, that if the king of Spain should
decline or delay the ratification of the Treaty, Congress would at their
next Session, authorize the occupation of the Florida’s, and probably
there would be a recognition, at least of the Government of
Buenos-Ayres— I wished him to give this information to his Government— I
related to him all that has been done by us concerning the
South-American question— Told him we were convinced that Buenos-Ayres at
least would maintain her Independence of Spain— That sooner or later
they must be recognized as an Independent power— That we had thought the
time would before now have arrived when they might justly claim this as
a right, but that from the time when we learnt that the allies had
determined whatever might be the event of their mediation, not to use
force against the South-Americans, the President had concluded that we might also forbear to
take an immediate decisive part in their favour. He said there was
doubtless a difference of opinion between us, on this matter— That
possibly Buenos-Ayres might in the end be able totally to throw off the
yoke of Spain, but that they were not competent to establish a regular
and independent Government of their own. However he declared in the most
positive and solemn manner, that Russia had no special alliance, or
peculiarly intimate connection with Spain— That the Emperor was utterly
averse to all exclusive or partial alliances, and he had no particular
engagements with Spain— The ships sent to Cadix had been merely sold—a
dear bargain; and without any intention of the Emperor to take side with
Spain in her quarrel with the Colonies. Though he, Poletica, had not
approved of that transaction— He promised hereafter to shew me all the
Protocols that he had, of the Conferences at Aix La Chapelle— The hour
of five stole upon our Conversation, which we agreed to resume at a
future day— There was a heavy thunder shower, and I rode home— We had an
Evening tea-party and dancing of Cotillions, at our house; about sixty
persons came, and as many more were 121prevented
from coming, by the weather. Poletica asked me this Evening, what style
of address he should use, in writing official Notes or Letters— I told
him, without giving any titles of honour, either to the President, or
the Secretary of State— He said he had always been aware that the title
of His Excellency was not suitable to the President; but he had observed
it was given here to the Governors of the States, and it was every where
given in Europe to the Officers corresponding to our Heads of
Departments— I told him the Governors of the States were Excellencies,
by the State Constitutions, but that the Constitution of the United
States recognized no titles of honour, in the Officers appointed under
it; and that our point of honour consisted in the exclusion of all such
titles— “Praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso, quod effigies
eorum non visebantur.”
