John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

25. V:30. Successive visits at my house from Mr Holmes, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, Robertson, Member of the House from Kentucky, de Onis the Spanish, and Daschkoff the Russian Minister. Holmes came to make an extract from Niles’s Register of a passage that he had quoted in his Speech on the Seminole War. Robertson brought a Letter from Mr John Pope, to Mrs. Adams, and had some Conversation with me upon the local politics of Kentucky. That State is divided between two parties, with Clay as the head of one of them and Pope of the other. Clay, by the superiority of his talents, by a more artful management of popular feelings, and by the chances of good Fortune, notwithstanding the more correct moral character of his antagonist, has acquired a great ascendancy over him, and not only keeps him depressed in public estimation, but uses every possible means of the most rancorous & malignant enmity to ruin him. Robertson thought some time since that Clay intended to offer himself at the next Election of Governor of the State, as a candidate, and it is well understood that his object is to organize and embody a systematic opposition of the whole Western Country, against the present Administration, the operation of which is to take effect, at the end of Mr Monroe’s eight years. Robertson and Trimble were until now desirous of supporting Coll. R. M. Johnson against Clay— But Robertson now says, that Clay will not be a candidate— That he and his party will support Johnson; and Pope proposes that Mr M’Kee, a brother in Law of Robertson’s, should be supported as the candidate in opposition to Johnson— Robertson spoke handsomely of Johnson, as an honourable and independent man; but said that he had lately lost the election as Senator of the United States, by the choice of a Mr Logan, a constant and ardent supporter of Mr Monroe’s Administration; and who had particularly sided with it, in respect to South-American Affairs. That election was a test of the strength of parties in the Kentucky Legislature, and if M’Kee should be a candidate it was probable he would be elected in opposition to Johnson— They were friends, and M’Kee was very unwilling to stand against Johnson, knowing that it would be an election warmly contested— It was apprehended that Johnson had been irritated by the loss of his Election as Senator; and if he should be carried as Governor by the other party, even though 20with the concurrence of the others he might retain resentments against them and become a promoter of all their views— Robertson read me a part of a Letter from M’Kee, in which these ideas were disclosed, and he was desired to have some communication with the Administration here and ascertain whether if he should be elected as Governor he might rely that recommendations from him and his friends of persons for official appointments by the President would meet with equal favour, supposing the candidates equally well qualified, as those recommended by their adversaries. This Letter also fully set forth Mr Clay’s project of combining the whole Western Country for the Election at the close of Mr Monroe’s second term, and asserted positively that a positive Coalition for that purpose was formed and completed last year— I told Robertson that without having any authority to speak for the President in this case, I was confident he would take no part in the interior politics of Kentucky. I knew he had a high regard and esteem for Coll. Johnson, of whom I had heard him speak always in respectful terms. He also knew Mr M’Kee who was several years a member of the House of Representatives— But he would avoid from principle all interference in the Election of Governor in any of the States. He would no doubt be gratified by the Election of a person who would harmonize with the general Administration, and with regard to recommendations for Offices, would undoubtedly give equal weight to those from his friends, as to others— I added that I would report to the President the substance of this Conversation, or withhold it, at his option— He left it to my discretion. He said it was expected there would shortly be a vacancy in the Office of District Attorney in Kentucky, and he wished the appointment might be given to Mr Pope; to whom the Office itself was no object, but who would value it, as a mark of Confidence in the Administration— I told him that I had every possible feeling of good-will towards Mr Pope, but having made it a principle to avoid recommending to the President any of my family Relations, if it was desirable that the name of Mr Pope, who had married my wife’s Sister, should be presented to the President, either for the Office of District Attorney, or for a foreign Mission. I should wish it might be through some other channel than me. I had in no instance recommended to the President a Relation of mine, for any Office, and I found it necessary to adhere to the rule, that I had prescribed to myself to avoid making any such Recommendation— Robertson approved of these Sentiments, and said he had already been convinced that the President would avoid all interference in the local elections of Kentucky— A course which he perfectly approved— Pope’s Letter to Mrs Adams was more explicit electioneering than Robertson’s. These overtures would afford opportunities, and hold out temptations to intrigue, of which there is much in this Government, and without which the Prospects of a public man, are desperate— Caballing with Members of Congress for future contingency has become so interwoven with the practical course of our Government, and so inevitably flows from the practice of caucusing by the Members to fix on Candidates for President and Vice-President, that to decline it is to pass upon myself a sentence of total exclusion— Be it so!— Whatever talents I possess, that of intrigues is not among them— And instead of toiling for a future election as Pope recommends, my only wisdom is to prepare myself for voluntary, or for unwilling retirement. Mr Onis came to urge me to answer his last Note, and to protest his extreme earnestness to conclude a Treaty with me, before the close of the present Session of Congress. I told him that if he insisted upon it I would answer his note, but I was so wearied out with the discussion, that it had become nauseous— I really could discuss no longer— I had given it up in despair— He said that he did not wish for any further discussion, but wanted an answer. I told him the utmost that I could possibly do, would be to review, for the Western Boundary the proposals I had last made to him— He protested he was not authorized to accept them, but he hoped I should modify them; and then glided into his usual argument in support of Spanish Rights— I promised him at all events, an answer. Mr Daschkoff came to tell me that he had at length received his Letters of recredence— He meant of Recall— This is a mistake so common that there is a confusion of ideas prevalent among three fourths of the diplomatic characters whom I know. Letters of Recall are received by a Minister, from his own Government— Letters of Recredence, are from the Government to which he is accredited, to his own—recommending him back to his own Master— Daschkoff told me that he expected the arrival of his Successor Mr Poletica, very shortly, and proposed to withhold the delivery of his Letters until Poletica could at the same time deliver his credentials; so that there might be no interval of time during which his Sovereign would be not represented— He then protested that he rejoiced at the good understanding between the 21United States and the Emperor, and that notwithstanding the unpleasant occurrences that had happened he had always been the fast friend of this Country, and entertained the highest respect for all those who administered the Government. He should return home, and whether in public own private life hereafter should to the utmost of his power promote sentiments favourable to this Country there; and as I had resided so long in Russia, and knew the friendly dispositions of the Emperor towards the United States, he hoped I should always feel an interest in cultivating them— He spoke under so much embarrassment and apparent mortification, with awkwardness, hesitation and confusion of face, that I felt compassion for him— No Public Minister ever accredited in the United States, has more grossly insulted the Government, or more wantonly attempted to kindle discord between his Sovereign and them— It is by forbearance unexampled that he has been permitted so long to remain here— The result to himself is that he is recalled in disgrace, and now his object is to appease the President, and obtain a gracious dismission— I told him I should immediately report to the President the purport of his communication, that in the meantime I could assure him that every friendly sentiment of the Emperor towards the United States was most cordially reciprocated by this Government. That my own personal feelings were in perfect unison with them, and that so far as it might be in my power I should always be happy in promoting to the utmost the harmony between the two Countries— That with regard to his delivering his Letters of recall, he would take the time that would be most suitable to his own convenience, if Mr Poletica should arrive before his own departure, it would be most convenient that his Letters of recall and the credentials of his successor should be delivered at the same time— I avoided saying any thing as to his former conduct and his quarrel with this Government. These visitors detained me at home till near two O’Clock. Mrs Adams who was so much recovered as to leave her bed, but not her chamber, sent Cards of invitation to General Jackson and his family to dine with us next Monday— He answered that he had determined to decline all personal attentions of this kind, while his case was pending before Congress— At the President’s I met Mr Crawford— I had received a Letter from J. Connell who is a Director of the Bank of the United States, asking whether it would be agreeable to the Administration generally that Langdon Cheves of South Carolina should be chosen President of the Bank in the room of W. Jones who has resigned. The President had a Letter from Dallas, proposing Mr Forsyth. Crawford said that was very wild—Forsyth had no faculty or fitness for such a place and had been all his life spending money rather than making it. As to Cheves (whom I do not know) they agreed that he was a man of integrity, talents, and indefatigable industry— But they said he was a stubborn and testy man, who had gone out of public life discontented and soured, because things were not managed precisely as he would have prescribed— But his reputation stood so high, that no appointment, Crawford said would have so great a tendency to soothe and soften the prejudices against the Bank, and unless something to that end should be done, some harsh measure would be adopted be one of the Houses of Congress against the Bank. Mr Tompson the Secretary of the Navy also came in while I was at the President’s— I received despatches from A Gallatin of 21. Novr. and 10 Decr. partly in cypher, which employed me in the Evening. Mary Buchanan went to a Ball at Mr T. Munro’s.