John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Onis, but it did not yet
altogether suit the President’s views— He told me that he now thought it
of much less consequence than it was a year ago, whether we made any
adjustment with Spain at all— And that he thought Onis’s instructions
now were such that he would either sign no Treaty at all; or he would
sign one upon our own terms. I left my draft with him. He has begun that
of his Message, and read me two paragraphs, one respecting the
commercial Negotiation, now on foot with England— The other concerning
our relations with Spain. The latter was unfinished. He directed a
Cabinet Meeting at one O’Clock, upon the Instructions to be given to
Messrs: Gallatin and Rush,
concerning Impressment and the Slave trade. At one we met accordingly,
and discussed the question upon impressment till four without coming to
any decision. Another Meeting was appointed for twelve O’Clock
to-morrow. Rush according to his Instructions made two successive
proposals to the British Government, upon impressment— One the 18th. of April, and the other the 30th. of June last. The first was to restrict
reciprocally the naturalization of Sailors; the other was totally to
exclude each other’s Seamen, from the respective Services whether in
public or in merchant 426vessels—with a positive
stipulation against the impressment of men in any case. The British
Government in the first instance rejected both; but afterwards on the
13th of August Castlereagh intimated to Rush, as
a suggestion of his own, upon which he had not consulted the other
members of the Cabinet, that the second proposition might be accepted
with two Modifications; one that either party may withdraw from the
engagement of the stipulation after three or six Months notice, as in
the agreement concerning armaments on the Lakes— The other, that if a
British Officer after entering an American Vessel for purposes admitted
to be lawful, should find a Seaman there whom he should suspect to be
English, he should be authorized to make a record or procès verbal of
that fact that it may be brought to the knowledge of the American
Government, though not to take the man. The deliberation of this day was
whether Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, should be
instructed to agree to these modifications or not. Strong objections
were urged against them both, particularly by Mr.
Calhoun— Mr Crawford inclined to accede
to them both; and the President inclined to the same. Mr Wirt
without expressing himself very decidedly, thought like the President—
My own greatest objections were against the proposal as made by
ourselves; to which I have always been utterly averse—thinking it an
illiberal engagement—contrary to the free, generous and humane character
of our institutions, unjustly restrictive upon the rights both of our
own and of British Seamen, and having a tendency to excite the most
violent animosities in their minds against one another and especially
among the British Seamen against us— I thought it would be now
peculiarly offensive and injurious to our commercial interests—doubted
whether any such stipulation would be ratified by the Senate; was
confident it would give universal dissatisfaction to the merchants, and
in the Event of War, would be found impracticable in execution—as
however we have made the proposal, we must abide by it, if accepted; but
its own character may justly make us scrupulous against accepting any
modifications which render it still more unexceptionable— Mr Calhoun opposed the first of Lord
Castlereagh’s suggested modifications as leaving it in the power of the
British Government, to make the stipulation itself nugatory to us, at
the very moment, when it would begin to operate in our favour; and
because by consenting that the compact should thus be cancelled at
pleasure, we should be understood to have given an indirect assent to
the resumption of the British practice. I concurred in this opinion
which was strenuously contested by Mr
Crawford and Mr Wirt, the President leaning
a little the same way. Mr Crawford contended
that the only object of these modifications on the part of the British
Ministers was to make the stipulation itself palatable to their own
people. That no British Ministers would dare to contract such an
engagement, without reserving to themselves some such apology to
conciliate the public opinion of their own Country— But that if the
agreement should once be made they would never use the privilege of
giving notice that it should be cancelled. The practice being once
abandoned they would never incur the risk of resuming it— Mr Calhoun was also against acceding to the
second proposed modification, which would allow a British Officer to
muster and pass under inspection the crew of every American vessel
boarded by him— It would give rise to altercations, and expose the
American Master to the insolence of the British Officer, scarcely less
galling than the injury of impressment itself. Calhoun added that the
result of the late War had been to raise the tone of feeling in this
Nation— That the success of the menacing attitude assumed with Spain, in
the case of R. W. Meade had
raised it still higher. That any concession by the Administration, which
should tend to lower that tone of feeling, would give great
dissatisfaction to the Nation, and would be used as a weapon against the
Administration— Crawford said he had mentioned the proposed
modifications to Mr Clay last Saturday, and he thought well of
them— Aye, said Calhoun; but what will the Kentucky, and western Country
newspapers say of them?— This question occasioned a general laugh, in
which Crawford, heartily 427joined. We all knew that
Clay would think well of any thing, which might excite dissatisfaction
with the Administration. It was past four O’Clock when the meeting was
adjourned till to-morrow. Calhoun took me home in his Carriage; and I
walked half an hour before dinner. Johnson
Hellen came to spend some days with us. I wasted the
Evening, by an invincible drowsiness and repugnance to writing. I got
over it between nine and ten, and wrote about half an hour.
