John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

19. VI: Mr Scott the delegate from the Missouri territory came to enquire what was the result of a letter that he had written to me last week against the reappointment of judge Lucas as one of the judges of the territory. His commission he stated had expired, and he accuses him of being a man of violent temper and passions. I told Scott that his Letter should be laid before the President; but he might think it a very harsh measure to omit the reappointment of judge Lucas; as under the circumstances it would be equivalent to a removal from office. I suggested also that as party Spirit in the Missouri territory was extreme, it would have the appearance of taking part in it, to withhold the reappointment unless there was some remonstrance against it from the People themselves— He said at all Events as the People would probably be authorised to form a Constitution as a State at the next Session of Congress, Lucas would not hold his Commission long, for when the People should once have the power of manifesting their opinion of Lucas, he had no doubt what it would be— Call at the President’s— He spoke again of the appointment of a Secretary of the Navy. Said he should offer it to Commodore Rogers, who probably would decline accepting it. He had already declined it, when offered to him by President Madison—and next to him, he thought he should offer it to the Chief-Justice of New York Thompson; whom he did not personally know—but whose reputation stood very high, and who was represented as having kept entirely aloof from all the intrigues of the New-York parties— I had mentioned to the President the late Governor of the State of Ohio, Worthington, as a suitable candidate from the Western Country, and as having once been a seafaring man— The President said he was not personally acquainted with him—but he had been mentioned to him as a man of indirect ways, upon whose steadiness no reliance was to be placed— He preferred men of a strait forward character. I observed to him this day that as the Vice-President was from New-York, Pennsylvania might have the stronger claim to a member of the administration. He assented to the remark; but if Rodgers does not accept Thompson will be the man— The President said that for the temporary appointment, as Mr Calhoun’s Office was immediately opposite to that of the Secretary of the Navy, he had requested him to perform the duties in the short interval till the appointment. I had thought of recommending this arrangement myself. At the Office I had interviews with Mr Bagot, and with the Viscount de Quabeck, who came in while Bagot was with me. Mr Bagot was appointed for, and came at twelve O’Clock. I had directed that two should be the hour appointed for the Viscount. One was by mistake the time fixed, and when he came he was admitted. It was however merely a visit of form; and he told me he could not apply to be presented to the President, until the arrival of his trunks from Philadelphia, which were coming round by water, and which contained his Uniform dress— Mr Bagot told me that he came to redeem the pledge of Lord Castlereagh’s promise given last November; to communicate frankly what was doing by the European allies in relation to Spain and South America. That the only reason why this had not been 418done before, was because nothing had been matured; nothing agreed upon; nothing prepared even to an extent which was worth communicating—lately however some advance in the business had been made, and he had brought me several papers to read, of which he was not authorized to give or allow copies to be taken, but which were communicated in the most entire confidence. The first was a circular note, from Lord Castlereagh to the five allied Powers dated in August 1817. and founded upon the previous application from Spain, soliciting the mediation of the allies, between her and her Colonies— It proposes that they should undertake the Mediation, on condition that Spain should agree to three principles to form the basis of it 1. A general amnesty to the insurgents 2. That the South Americans should be admissible to Offices and honours equally with the Spaniards. 3. That the Colonies should enjoy a free commerce with other Nations; subject to certain suitable preferences in favour of Spain. This is the paper referred to in the Russian Answer of November; the original application from Spain for the Mediation does not yet appear. The next paper exhibited by Mr Bagot was a Note from the Duke of San Carlos the Spanish Ambassador, in England dated in June last— Accepting the bases proposed in the British Note, but couching the promise of commercial freedom in more indefinite terms and intimating an expectation that the allies would guarantee the issue of the Mediation. The first British Note had in the most explicit manner disclaimed every intention of resorting to force against the Colonies, in any event of the Negotiation— The reply from Lord Castlereagh to this Note of the Duke of San Carlos (which was also a circular, the Duke of Fernan-Nuñez, having presented one of precisely the same tenour at Paris, which was there published, and is now circulating in all our Newspapers) after guarding against the Spanish insinuation of a guarantee, by repeating the firm determination, in no event whatever to employ force against the Colonies, calls upon Spain to speak out in explicit terms, and declare what she proposes in reference to the commercial freedom to be allowed to the Colonies after their return to her Government— With this Note is a copy of Lord Castlereagh’s despatch to Sir Henry Wellesley, the British Ambassador at Madrid, directing him to present it— The despatch is dated in August last, and intimates that towards the close of that Month, Lord Castlereagh, expected to go to the Congress of Sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle; instructing also Sir Henry Wellesley to urge the Spanish Government, to have a Plenipotentiary there with a plan fully prepared for the arrangement with the Colonies. This Congress at Aix La Chapelle has since been postponed to the last week in September— The Spanish Note of June last professes also the disposition of Spain to take such measures on the subject as her Allies may advise— I asked Mr Bagot, if Lord Castlereagh said anything to him of the Protests by the deputies from Buenos Ayres, and from New-Grenada, against the interference of the Allies—he said no. I asked him if he would allow me to take these papers to the President for his perusal, with my promise and word of honour that no copies should be taken, and that the papers should be immediately afterwards returned to him. He declined letting the papers go from him, but offered to go with me to the President’s, and remain there while he should be reading the papers. This sort of confidential distrust is usual with the British Government; and I once had a sample of it from Count Romanzoff. It is so grossly indelicate, that between individuals it could scarcely be viewed otherwise than as an insult. indeed Romanzoff’s caution went no further than to decline giving a copy of what he allowed me to read. The permission to read, with the refusal to allow papers to be taken for perusal out of the presence of the confiding party, is altogether English. I declined accepting Mr Bagots offer, but requested him to present my thanks to Lord Castlereagh for this confidential communication. With regard to the expedient, proposed to be attempted by the allies, it was perhaps due to their political connections and engagements with Spain, but I thought it not likely to prove successful; nor could I imagine the British Government expected it would be successful. It was a step prepared in the descent from power, of Spain, to break her fall. It might be fair and just to Spain to give her the benefit of the experiment; but after its failure, as I thought it must undoubtedly fail, it would be equally fair and just to Spain to put an end to all her expectations, and to that horrible war she is carrying on, by recognizing the principal Independent South American Governments— Mr Bagot assented entirely to these opinions. He left me after two O’Clock— Mr Crawford had requested a meeting of the Commissioners of the sinking fund at two, at his office; but it was three before I got there; and Mr Wirt the Attorney General immediately afterwards came in— It was a question upon a transaction with the Bank of the United States. They had given him notice that they should sell about 400,000 dollars of United States Stocks; being all that they have left, unless taken within fifteen days for Account of the United States. A Section of their Act of Incorporation restricts them from 419selling Stock in the United States, without giving this previous notice of fifteen days to the Secretary of the Treasury, that he may have the option of taking it for public account at certain rates below the present market price— Mr Crawford said that from the present state of the Treasury, it would not be convenient to take the Stock; but there was another point upon which he had made up his mind, and upon which the Directors of the Bank differed from him— They had got the opinion of three Lawyers to support them; but he had last year compelled them to purchase near two Millions of Stock to replace as much which they had sold after notice given by him of his intention to redeem it. They had made the purchase at a cost of 54000 dollars— His position was this—that the Stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States, being made by the Act of incorporation, redeemable by them at their pleasure, although upon the face of it redeemable as Stock, only at certain periods; if it should be sold by the Bank to individuals it would still be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, and upon the same terms as if it had remained in the possession of the Bank— Upon this point my opinion differed from that of Mr Crawford. I considered the provisions in the Act of incorporation, not as changing the nature of the Stock, but merely as restrictions upon the Bank with regard to Sales— Mr Wirt was undecided, but inclined to the opinion of Mr Crawford. It was proposed that Mr Wirt should write to take the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall. I urged Mr Crawford to waive the question by taking the whole of the stock for the public; but he was afraid of draining so much the Treasury. He finally resolved however to take the 3. per Cent Stocks of which there were about the amount of 90000 dollars, and which were the only portion of the whole, the redeemability of which, upon the terms prescribed to the Bank, it was of any import to the public to have retained— Morning and Evening employed in writing.