John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Calhoun the Secretary at War called upon me
this Morning with a Mr Ware of the State of Mississippi, who had been
mentioned to me by Mr John Vaughan and Dr Brown whom we met in
the street at Philadelphia last Tuesday Morning, and whom Vaughan
introduced to me. They were under the impression that Ware himself had
seen at San Antonio, records of antient grants of Land by the French
Government within the Province of Texas. Mr
Vaughan therefore had promised to ask Ware to call upon me when he
should come to Washington—but it proved, not that he had seen these
records himself, but that Americans who were at San Antonio in the year
1813. had told him they had seen them there— The records and the town of
San Antonio itself have been since burnt, when retaken by the
Royalists.— Mr
John Graham called on me at the Office, and mentioned to
me, that the Report of the late Commissioners to South-America, was to
be drawn up by Mr Rodney, and would contain rather a statement
of facts collected by the Commissioners, and observed by them than any
opinions of their own— To this I readily assented— He said he had
written to Mr Rodney before I last left the
City, that the President and all
the Administration would probably be here by the 15th. of this Month; and that it would be
expected that the Report of the Commissioners would then be ready. Mr Rodney had answered him that he would have
it ready by the time; but within these few days had written him again
that he had been unexpectedly called away upon business of his own,
which would delay for a short time the completion of the Report— I told
Mr Graham that if it was sent in by the
end of the Month it would be in time; but it could not without
inconvenience be longer postponed, as Congress are to convene on the
16th. of next Month, and the manner in
which the subject will be mentioned by the President in his message,
will depend in some measure upon the Report.— I had mentioned yesterday
Young Essex to the President as
soliciting a Warrant of Midshipman; and as he belongs to the State of
Kentucky, from which the proportion of Officers in the Navy is very
small, the President directed that a warrant should issue for him
immediately; as well as for a young man named Telfair, of Virginia recommended by
Mr Crawford. I called at the Navy Department, and
spoke to Mr
Homans about the warrants. He found Telfair’s name on the
list of Applicants. Essex’s application was entirely new. He said he
would have the Warrants made out immediately but there was no person yet
authorized to countersign them— Coll. Swartwout was yesterday
commissioned as Navy Agent at New-York— He had called upon me the day
before to ask for my influence in obtaining the appointment. I told him
that being perfectly disposed to render him any service in my power, I
should be happy if he should obtain the appointment; but as it was of
the resort of another Department my general rule was merely to make
known to the President such applications as were made through me 416together with the recommendations by which they
were supported, leaving him to judge of them himself. I should feel
myself peculiarly obliged to observe that course in the present case,
having been very earnestly solicited at my passage through New-York to
interest myself in behalf of another person, a Mr
Rutgers— Coll. Swartwout
professed to be entirely satisfied with this— I received last Evening a
Note from the Abbe Correa, the
Portuguese Minister, complaining of an attempt to fit out an armed
vessel in the Patuxent to cruize against Portuguese subjects and
property, under Commissions from Artigas— I met the Abbé as I was going to the Office and
appointed to see him at 2 O’Clock, when he came. I told him that the
only way in which the Executive could interpose was by directing a
prosecution of the persons chargeable with a violation of the Laws, and
that if he would give the names of such persons and of the witnesses who
would establish the proof against them, the Attorney for the District of Maryland would be directed
to commence a prosecution. He asked whether the President was not
authorized by the Law of the last Session of Congress to employ the army
and navy of the United States to suppress such armaments. I said he was,
but that he could not take the facts for granted— A judicial conviction
appeared to be the only proof upon which he could resort to measures of
that character— He said he could have no confidence in any judicial
prosecution— What reliance for instance could he place for instance in
the verdict of a jury selected by the Sheriff of Baltimore, who was himself concerned in the
fitting out of these privateers. I told him the Sheriff of Baltimore
would have nothing to do with the selection of the Juries, the trial
being before the Courts of the United States, and not those of the
State. He said it was very hard, that such things must be doing almost
under the very eyes of this Government; and that there should be no
remedy for Portugal, whose king had
always been so friendly towards the United States. That privateering
Commissions from Artigas were mere absurdities, as he had possession of
no Seaport; and that there might just as well issue Commissions for
privateering, from Harper’s ferry, or from the Seminole Indians— That he
was fully persuaded of the just and honourable intentions of the
American Government; but that “we had a most unmanageable crew—” I
answered him that I trusted he did not intend by that remark to cast a
reflection upon the nature of our Institutions, but that at all events
our people were quite as manageable for every good purpose, as the
people of any other Nation, not excepting that of Portugal and Brazil.
That we wished to take no part in the war carried on between the
Portuguese Government and that of Artigas; but that there could be no
analogy between Artigas and the Seminole Indians— He disclaimed any
intention of reflecting upon our Institutions, and professed on the
contrary great respect for them; but he recurred to the kindness which
his king had always manifested to the United States. I mentioned to him
the case of the privateer General Armstrong at Fayal, during our late
War with England— He said that Ghost was always brought up against him—
He had written about it to his Court, when I mentioned it to him before
and had received all the papers that had passed between them, and the
British Government concerning it. Fayal was an open road; incapable of
resistance; and great damage was done upon the occasion of this
transaction, to the houses of the inhabitants on shore. The British
Government had offered to indemnify all those inhabitants, but his Court
had refused to accept that indemnity, without satisfaction’s being given
to the complaint on the part of the United States also. This was all
they could do— I said the result however was that no satisfaction had
been given to the United States. The Abbe finally concluded by saying
that he wished me to answer his note so that he might make his report to
his own Government— I told him there were some other subjects on which I
should be glad to converse with him, and he said he would call at my
house to-morrow— Mr Bagot, and the Viscount de Quabeck, the
new Chargé d’Affaires from the Netherlands sent notes requesting
interviews; for which I appointed twelve and two O’Clock next Monday. On
returning home to dinner, I found Mr Bailey, and the Chevalier Courson de la
Villehalio, Captain of the French Frigate la Duchesse de
Berri, now at New-York. I found quite unexpectedly that this Officer was
an old acquaintance—he reminded me of having seen me at the University
of Cambridge, and of having with a party of French Officers dined with
me at my father’s house, in
September 1788. he belonged to a French squadron then in Boston harbour
commanded by a Mr. de Vintimille— I
recollected the circumstance distinctly 417but not
the person of Mr Courson. He has mistaken
also the year, which was 1788. He thinks it 1787— I went after dinner
with Mrs Adams and we spent the Evening at Mr
Frye’s.
