John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
October 1818
rr Jos. Baxter junr. who was going to Alexandria, and who
proceeded from Worcester in the Stage this Evening; a younger son of T. Bigelow the Speaker of the
Massachusetts House of Representatives, and a young man named Seaver in whom I recognized a strong
likeness of my Classmate John
Seaver, and whom I took for a Son of his brother William Seaver. They were only coming
to Worcester, where Seaver’s father resided— We lodge at Sikes’s tavern— We saw the Moon, just
after Sunset, this being only its second day.
r D. Brent
and left at the Post Office. Mr Levi Lincoln formerly
Attorney-General of the United States, and afterwards
Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts came and paid us a visit, and
offered us many civilities. He resides upon his farm here, entirely
retired from public life; and has been some years nearly blind— Was
couched for Cataracts in both eyes, by which he lost altogether the
sight of one, but recovered that of the other— He told me again that he
had been directed to the profession of the Law, by hearing while he was
at College, my father argue a Cause
at Boston. The Stage which left Boston at two O’Clock this Morning
reached Worcester at ten, and we took passage in it— we dined at
Brookfield; and after being detained nearly an hour at Belchertown,
arrived at half past nine in the Evening at Lyman’s tavern Northampton. The Stage and horses at
Belchertown has been used by militia-Officers for a training day six
Miles off, and had not returned when we came to the Stage 406house, which was the occasion of our being delayed. The
distance from Worcester to Northampton is or was fifty two Miles. We had
only one fellow-traveller in the Stage— He had come with it from Boston
this Morning and left it at Northampton; apparently much overcome all
day with fatigue— The whole road is mountainous, and rocky, but the
roads as good as in such countries they can be. Great part of it is
covered with wood—Oak, Birch, and Chestnut. The cleared land apparently
not fertile; generally pasturage, with some poor, thin looking Indian
Corn. very few settlements on the road, and no symptoms of increasing
population. We lodge at Lyman’s.
rs Adams was extremely ill, all the morning; and
I thought we should have been under the necessity of stopping at some
house on the road, and waiting for the next Stage which will not pass
through till Tuesday— We breakfasted at Chesterfield— At Peru the next
Stage Mrs Adams was most ill— at Pittsfield
I procured a vial of landanum of which she took 25 drops, and was much
relieved. It is surely the Nepenthe of the wife of Thone. About nine
miles beyond Pittsfield, we entered the State of New-York, at the
village of Lebanon where there are hot Springs, frequented by
valetudinarians— This circumstance has given it and the country around
it a more flourishing appearance than its vicinity within the State of
Massachusetts can boast. We dined at Nassau about nine miles within the
New York line but owing to the tardiness of our morning driver, we were
belated for dinner till five in the afternoon— Our road was still more
mountainous than yesterday, and we walked up part of Snake hill, which
is upwards of two Miles long. The boundary between the two States is
strongly marked in the difference between the Styles of building of
their dwelling houses— Those of New-York generally cover more ground and
are lower, having but one Story, while those of Massachusetts have two,
at least in front—with a long sloping roof in the rear. The New-York
houses have also a sheltered porch or viranda extending along the whole
front and sometimes also on the sides, indicating the approach to a
warmer climate. Among the Passengers whom we took in at Pittsfield was a
young man whose name we found was Larned, and that he was going to New-Orleans— I took him
for a trading-person, but Mrs Adams with
more sagacity concluded from his dress, and deportment, and from his
reproving a Black man whom he heard swearing, that he was a clergyman.
At his recommendation we came to the Mansion House Hotel, instead of the
Eagle tavern to which we were at first driven.
r Adams, and on my answering that
I was, she immediately said “I am your Niece,” and I recognized my
brother Charles’s second daughter
Abigail now the wife of
Alexr.
B. Johnson of Utica in this State of New-York. The boy was
her son. They came in last Evening from Utica, and are now going to pay
a visit to my
Parents at Quincy. The boy is named John Adams after my father. I soon
became acquainted with Mr Johnson, and we
went together to Church— After some enquiries for the principal
preachers of the place, Cummings, Stansbury and Chester, neither of whom officiated, we went in the
Morning to the first, and in the afternoon to the second Dutch Church;
so called from their having been originally dutch; but the services are
now all in English. We were recommended in the morning to the first
dutch Church to hear its pastor Mr De Witt, by a worthy Citizen
whom we met in the street and who assured us that Mr de Witt was a pupil of Dr Mason’s
of New-York, and that he was the greatest preacher in Albany. But it was
not Mr de Witt whom we heard; it was
Mr
Larned, the young man who had travelled with us yesterday
in the Stage from Pittsfield— His Sermon was upon the atonement,
according to the doctrines usually denominated calvinistic. He preached
without notes, and in a style of eloquence with which I was much
gratified— His manner was fervent, yet chaste— His delivery animated,
without affectation, his language pure, elegant and ornamented with
imagery, his pronunciation studiously correct; his reasoning as close
and sound as the doctrines he inculcated would admit, and 407his appeals to the feelings suitably pathetic. I came out
from hearing him, not a convert to his creed, but quite an admirer of
his oratory. At the second Dutch church, after dinner we heard a
discourse much of the same cast of opinions, but not recommended by the
same graces. I did not retain the preacher’s name— In the Evening I went
again, with the Ladies to Mr Stansbury’s
Church, and heard Mr Larned a second time—
The house was very much crowded— The discourse was upon the propitiatory
sacrifice of Christ, and was in some parts higher wrought, and in others
less elaborate than that of the morning— This attendance three times at
Church very fully occupied the day, so that I found scarcely an hour for
writing.— Between the Morning Meeting and dinner I went with Mr Johnson on board the Steam-Boat Paragon;
and we engaged our passages down the North-river to Newburgh to-morrow—
On board the boat, I met among the attendants, an old acquaintance,
James Felt, an English cabin
boy, on board the Washington, when we came in her from England. Mr and Mrs
Johnson came here intending to go to Boston and Quincy by land, by the
same way that we came; but we have persuaded them to go with us down the
North-River, and proceed by the Connecticut Steam-boat from
New-York.
l: Aspinwall the American Consul at London and
was with him there about a year in that capacity. Unfavourable stories
are told of him, I believe with too much foundation. Having this Morning
an hour unoccupied I strolled through the principal street of Albany,
which was originally a dutch settlement, and still contains many houses
built after the old dutch fashion, and which give the street a
resemblance to those of Haarlem or Leyden. Johnson says some of them are of
bricks brought from Holland. At ten O’Clock we embarked in the Steamboat
Paragon, and immediately left the wharf. Among the Passengers were
General Peter B. Porter with
whom I had began the Journey from Washington, upon which I am now
returning, and Mr Larned, the eloquent preacher, who joined us
in the Stage at Pittsfield, and whom I yesterday heard preach twice at
Albany— There was also an Officer of the Marine corps, just from
Sacket’s harbour, going to Washington, to settle his Accounts— I did not
learn his name; but he entered into conversation with me; complained
bitterly of the smallness of his pay, and of some question made against
him with regard to the settlement of his accounts. He spoke of some
invention which he had introduced for discharging a volley of musketry,
by the operation of one hand, and said he had an anonymous invitation
which he believed had been transmitted to him through William Duane, to enter the service of
the South-Americans, with great offers of pay and the rank of Colonel.
He spoke of himself as undetermined whether to accept or decline these
offers, and hinted that it would depend upon the facility or difficulty
that he might find in the adjustment of his Accounts at Washington. He
seemed to be desirous of drawing an opinion or advice from me without
asking it; if this was his desire, it was not gratified. Another
passenger was an old, pimple-faced, purple-nosed, spectacled,
brogue-talking, noisy Irishman, named Colwell, who came drunk on board, became about half sober
in the course of the day, and more drunk, noisy and disgusting at Night
than he had been in the Morning. I was told he was a very respectable,
and most hospitable inhabitant of Albany; a very useful and wealthy
manufacturer, but of eccentric temper, and habits of beastly
drunkenness. These he exhibited to the extent of becoming a nuisance to
the boat. The day was overcast with occasional rain; and so chilly that
we passed great part of the time in the Cabins. I saw however the
general aspect of the river as we descended until Night came on. The
Banks are generally high, in many places steep, and covered with wood—
The settlements are not numerous, nor very considerable. The Estates and
houses of several persons of the Livingstone family are distinguishable
408near Hudson. I found no opportunity either
for writing or reading; but played several games of chess with a
Mr
Billings, a lawyer, who like us was to leave the boat at
Newburgh. At the request of several of the Passengers, Mr Larned preached a Sermon in the after
Cabin, in the Evening, and went through the usual forms of divine
service according to the presbyterian forms— Two Prayers, thrice Psalm
singing, and a Sermon— The discourse was from 1. John V.10. He that
believeth on the Son of God, hath the witness in himself, altogether
extemporaneous; with less mark of preparation than those which I had
heard from him yesterday, but delivered with equal fluency, and language
equally correct. The Sentiments also were of the same kind, dwelling
always upon the indispensable necessity and efficacy of faith. It was
just midnight when we reached Newburgh, where we landed, with Mr and Mrs Johnson and their child. It was sometime before we could
rouse the Servants and get in at the Hotel kept by Major Hunt and belonging to Mr de Wint.
The distance from Albany to Newburgh, is one hundred Miles.
r Ross an active and
distinguished member of the Senate of this State, General Belknap, a Major-General of
the Militia, President of the Bank of Newburgh, and as my Landlord,
Major Hunt, an old
revolutionary Officer described him, a man of many offices; Mr Case, the
member of the next Congress, elect, for this district, and Doctor Rosa, who according to his own
statement to me, an old Officer of the Revolution. Mr Ross was the only one of these Gentlemen
who manifested a disposition to enter deeply into political
conversation, and he immediately came to complaints that the
dispositions of the People of this State, were much misunderstood and
misrepresented in other States; and that the principles and conduct of
Mr De Witt
Clinton, the present Governor of the State were also
misunderstood— He had very erroneously been supposed to be in opposition
to the present administration, and to the late war, with Great Britain—
Mr Ross said he had taken very
particular pains to inform himself on these subjects— That Mr Clinton was not opposed to the present
Administration, nor had he been to the late War, excepting that he had
not approved the time when it was declared, as we were not in a state of
preparation for it— Ross said that he himself in the Senate of New-York,
had supported all the most vigorous measures for carrying on the War—
and had been altogether opposed to Mr
Clinton’s being set up as a candidate for the Presidency, against
Mr
Madison in 1812. though after it had been determined to
run an electoral ticket in his favour, in consideration of the interest
of the State he had voted for it— As this Gentleman was a total stranger
to me, never having heard so much as his name mentioned before, it
seemed to me something strange that he should thus commence our
acquaintance by this apologetic defence of De Witt Clinton, and this
explanation of his own inconsistency. It was however one among many
proofs of the fact that Clinton has had the address to concentrate all
the political feelings of this state in his own person; and that the
parties in it consist only of his friends or opponents— It is
questionable whether any individual has accomplished this to the same
extent; and is indicative at once of his talents and of the manner in
which he has employed them. The other Gentlemen took no share in the
communicative humour of Mr Ross, not even to
relieve him from the embarrassment under which he seemed to labour, from
a foolish pamphlet, as he called it, published during the war, by a
Mr
Southwick, and other friends of Mr Clinton, against the War— I did not enter much into the
Spirit of Mr Ross’s discourse; but spoke in
respectful terms of Mr Clinton’s character—
Possibly Ross may have thought that I was traveling into New-York, for
political objects, and that it was necessary for him to be explicit upon
the score of his Clintonianism at once— His partizans in the Newspapers
as well as those of Mr Clay have pitted their patrons respectively
against me, from the mere terror of my standing in the way of their
ambitious views. A coalition between those two parties has already been
formed, more than sufficient of itself to discard me from the list of
their rivals; utterly averse as I am to every thing in the shape of
political intrigue, for the purposes of personal advancement, and
utterly unqualified as I am for it— Doctor Rosa introduced himself to me
as an old revolutionary character, and one of only three, now remaining
at Newburgh. While I was with these Gentlemen, Mr De Wint
came over the river to meet us, and we returned with him, in his own
horse-boat, to his house, Cedar Grove, Fishkill-landing. Judge Verplanck, whom I knew
formerly as a member of Congress was with him; and with his family,
dined and spent the Evening with us at his house. They are neighbours,
and the most friendly intimacy subsists between the two families. 409There was also at dinner, Mr
Christie of New-York, whom about three years since I had
seen in England, where he brought me a Letter of recommendation from
Mr
Gallatin. John Peter de Wint is a native of the City of
New-York, as was his father— His
mother was born at St. Eustatius, and married in the Island of
St. Croix. She has been many years a
widow, and this Estate upon which they all live together belongs to her.
There are living with them two young women named Smalz, and
one named den Yfel—relations of
the family— De Wint married in 1814 Caroline Amelia Smith, my Sister’s only daughter, and they have two
daughters. De Wint’s family both by father and mother
originated from Holland.
r de Wint made up a party for us, and we went in
a small packet Sloop, to West Point, distant nine Miles from Fish-kill
landing. The party consisted of Mr and
Mrs de
Wint, Mr and Mrs
Johnson, with their boy John
Adams Johnson, one Miss
Smalz and Miss den
Yfel, a son of
Judge Verplanck’s, and a
young man named Fenno. Mrs
Adams, Mary Hellen
and myself— We left the wharf about ten O’Clock, and the weather being
fine, and almost calm we were nearly three hours in descending the river
till we landed at West-Point. We had therefore ample leisure to view the
celebrated passes of the Highlands. Their elevation on both sides the
river is between 1300 and 1700 feet; of course not very lofty
Mountains—high enough however, to give the country a picturesque
appearance of wild grandeur. The hills are steep from the edge of the
river and covered with wood— There is a clear and strong echo in the
passage on the river between the hills, which answered to the horn blown
by one of our men in the sloop, with pleasing effect. one of the hills
is shaped so as to exhibit with some assistance from the imagination,
the form of a gigantic human face in profile. Another has the form, and
bears the name of a sugar loaf. On landing at West-Point, de Wint went
and bespoke a dinner for us at the Inn; while the rest of us stroll’d up
one of the hills to view the prospect around, and the ruins of an old
fort upon the brow of one of them. Mrs
Adams, Johnson with his boy and myself lost of our way, and I went to
the top of a hill nearly double the height of the fort we were seeking.
After some time and search we found de Wint who was also in search of
us, and went to the fort, from which the prospect is pleasant, but not
very extensive. We descended and dined at the Inn, and immediately after
dinner, met there, old Colonel
Talmadge, formerly a member of Congress from Connecticut;
his Son Coll: Talmadge, who served in the late war, and
whom I knew two years ago, in England, and another Son, now a Cadet at the Academy at
West Point. We called on Major
Thayer who is at the head of this Military Academy. He was
not at his house, but we met him at the public building of the Academy,
containing the Library; the collection of Maps and the apparatus for the
lectures in natural and experimental philosophy; all of which he shewed
us, together with Captain Lenox,
whom he introduced to me. The library of twelve hundred volumes was
chiefly collected in Europe, by Major Thayer himself; as were the maps,
many of which are very good. There are now he told me two hundred and
twenty Cadets at the Academy, upwards of one hundred having been
admitted this Summer. The establishment can accommodate not more than
270. Their exercises literary, and recitations, are in the morning, and
accordingly I could not witness them; but we saw numbers of them in
Platoons, before the buildings, drilled by the Cadets of older standing—
About five in the afternoon we embarked again in our Sloop, and returned
with a beautiful, mild and calm Evening to Fish-kill landing. We saw the
purple tint of the Sunbeams lingering on the tops of the Mountains, and
heard by Moon-light the distant echo of the horns blown from a boat upon
the river in the passage between them. About seven in the Evening we
landed at the wharf from which we had this morning departed— Mr and Mrs
Johnson there left us—and crossed the river to Newburgh, whence they
proceed with the Steam-boat which comes 410this day
from Albany, down to New-York. The rest of us returned to Cedar grove,
where we found judge Verplanck, and Mr Peter de Wint, a Cousin of
John Peter’s and an inmate of the family. Some of the younger part of
our party went to a Ball this Evening at Fish-kill— We endeavoured to
persuade Johnson to stay, till to-morrow Night, and then go on with us;
but he could not have stayed without missing the Steam-boat of Friday
Morning from New-York to Norwich, which would have delayed him three
days at New-York, till next Monday. Johnson’s child is the most
extraordinary boy, at three years of age that I ever saw; but is
indulged by his father to such an excess that he is extremely
troublesome— He talks incessantly, though his articulation is yet
defective; and has a quick power of observation and retentive memory,
loaded with senseless and stupid words which have been taught him as
jokes, and which he repeats with rudeness— His temper is good and his
great danger is of being ruined by Mismanagement— His father is
nevertheless a sedate, sensible and apparently discreet man. His mother
now not more than twenty appears also of a grave and judicious
character, and less disposed to spoil the child than her husband.
rs
Adams and I took a ride with Mr and Mrs De
Wint to one of the mountains in the neighbourhood, which
we ascended partly in a light uncovered waggon, and the rest on foot, to
the summit called Solomon’s Barracks, which is surmounted by a
flag-staff. The prospect from it is extensive, although several of the
hills in the vicinity are higher— I extract from a newspaper a statement
of the height of all the principal elevations on Hudson river, said to
have been calculated by Captain
Partridge.— Catskill-Mountains. Round top. 3105 feet. High
Peak 3019.— Highlands—New Beacon 1585 Butter Hill 1529. Bull-Hill 1484.
Old Beacon 1471. Crow’s Nest 1418. Brave-Mount 1350 Break-Neck. 1187.
Anthony’s Nose. 935. Sugar-loaf 866. Fort Putnam 598. West-Point Plain
188— Below New-York—Hempstead Harbour Hill 319. Staten-Island 307
Neversink heights 282. but I think they must be much higher. Returning
from the hills we stopped at the manufactory of cotton cloths at their
foot. Mr
Schenk formerly a member of Congress, is the manager and
part owner of them, and shewed us the various machinery for carding
spinning and weaving used by them— generally the same that I had seen at
Alexandrofsky, and at Ghent— These works are carried on by Water-Mills
and they make no use of the Steam-Engine— We had intended to proceed to
New-York in the Steam-boat from Albany, which will pass by Newburgh this
Evening; but finally concluded to postpone our departure till to-morrow
morning, when a Steam-boat direct from Newburgh goes to New-York. We
dined with all the De Wint family at judge Verplanck’s, where we met his father, an old man upwards of
four-score of very singular habits and opinions. We found him standing
at the table in the dining room, when we went from the parlour in to
dinner; and he left the table and withdrew immediately after dinner— We
saw no more of him. There was also of the party a Mr
Bunner; a lawyer who resides at Newburgh, and who some years
since married a Miss Church;
the second daughter of the late John Barker
Church. Bunner is a lively, social man of pleasant manners
and agreeable conversation— We sat some time at table, after the Ladies
retired; discussing the propriety of that usage— Mr Bunner accompanied us in the Evening, when we returned to
Mr De Wint’s.
r de Wint,
and his family; and at eight O’Clock, were taken up, at Fishkill
landing, by the Steam-boat Fire-fly, Captain Griswold, from Newburgh, in which we descended
the river, to New-York— The distance is seventy miles, and the weather
being remarkably fine and warm, I passed the whole day upon the deck—
The Scenery on the banks of the river is similar to that between Albany
and Newburgh. The banks of the river on both sides generally high,
steep, and covered with woods— Few settlements at the landings, and not
one remarkable Country-seat visible till within five miles of New-York—
West Point, and its neighbourhood were the Scene of Arnold’s treachery, in the American
revolutionary war; and Captain Griswold pointed out to me several of the
places which were critical in that transaction such as the Point, from
which he took boat to go on board the Vulture, Sloop of War— The spot
where Andre was stopped in his
progress to New-York, by the three Militia-men Paulding, Van Wert and Williams— Arnold’s Head-Quarters at Robinson’s house the landing where
Andre was taken across the river, and the road to Tappan where he was
tried and executed. The position upon the river where the Vulture lay,
and the sites of other incidents in that Tragedy which the traditional
memory of the Country has treasured up. The point of Arnold’s
embarkation goes by the name of Traitor’s Point. The Captain had
Joshua Hall Smith’s narrative
of that affair, which was published in 1809. and I read it over again,
in the course of the day. Smith was a Tory, whom Arnold employed to
accomplish his purpose: 411without disclosing to him
his secret— It was he that went on board the Vulture, and brought Andre
on shore to the interview with Arnold. It was a coat of Smith’s that
André wore as a disguise, upon his return and Smith accompanied him back
to within a few miles of where he was taken— From the Account in Smith’s
book it appears that he was tried himself by a Court-Martial, and was
afterwards kept two years in close prison until he made his escape. Yet
he was suspected on the British side of having betrayed Andre and caused
his being taken. He professes to publish this book for his vindication.
— It was eight in the Evening when we reached New-York— Miss Smalz, and Mr
Chrystie with his Mother came down the river with us. We took lodgings for
the Night, at the City Hotel in Broadway.
r
M’Cormick at his house— Pitcairn sailed about ten days since for Europe— At our
Hotel I saw again Coll. Talmadge the younger whom
we had met at West-Point; and Trumbull the Painter, whose Picture of the Declaration of
Independence is now exhibited at New-York. He wishes also to have it
exhibited at Boston and at Philadelphia, before sending it on to
Washington; and asked me, if he could expect the President’s permission
to that effect— I knew not of any objection, and agreed that he should
take the President’s consent for
granted, unless he should hear from me to the contrary, hereafter—
Between twelve and One, at Noon, we embarked in the Vice-President’s Steam-Boat
Nautilus, at White Hall: landed in an hour at Staten-Island where we
took the Post-Chaise in which we crossed the Island; then passed in a
Horse-Boat to the Jersey shore and rode four Miles further to
Woodbridge. The passengers were so numerous that there were two
carriages, each laden with eleven persons, and the dinner table prepared
at Woodbridge allowed seats for no more than fourteen or fifteen. I
therefore went on without dining, which in traveling by land is the most
convenient and pleasant way of getting through the day. We proceeded
from Woodbridge 18 Miles to New Brunswick, 16. to Princeton, and 10 to
Trenton, where we arrived at ten in the Evening— Our companions in the
Stage were not agreeable, nor conversible, with us, and in the other
Carriage, associates with us at the Inns, were three drunken common
Sailors. At Trenton we obtained one bed-chamber for us of my family; but
the Supper table was again so full that no seats at it were left for us,
and after an hour and a half of solicitation and intreaty to have tea
and supper taken up to our chamber, I was obliged to give up the
pursuit, and we all lost our Supper, as I had lost my dinner. A more
important and mortifying loss to me was that of my temper, and I
suffered myself to be so far irritated and ruffled that after retiring
to bed I lay great part of the Night sleepless; and heard the grating
sound of the Midnight and Morning Clock.
rs Frazier’s; then to Judd’s Hotel—all full— At last we found
apartments at Miss Shinn’s— N.
30. North third Street— Soon after alighting, I walked out to call upon
J. Connell, but before
reaching his house I met him in the Street. He returned with me to my
lodgings—came again in the afternoon and accompanied us to the Roman
Catholic Church of t. Augustine where we
heard vespers chanted, and, in the Evening, when I went with him to the
Baptist Church, with the expectation of hearing Dr
Staughton its Minister, but heard instead of him a
Dr
Skinner, a Presbyterian—reputed to be very violent and
furious, 412but whom I did not find so. His
doctrines were those of the Presbyterians generally. Much the same as
those preached by Mr Larned. But he is not so eloquent—and he read
his Sermon. The Church was crowded. Mr W. Jones, President of the
Bank of the United States, and his Lady paid us visits this Evening, and invited us to
dinner to-morrow— At dinner this day we met several gentlemen as
boarders at the house— Mr Wright, a New Englandman;
Captain Stith, a Virginian, a
Dr
Tracy, and an Irishman, who discussed among them the
merits of the Clergyman, Skinner, whom I heard this Evening.
r Allibone, for whom I called at Milner and Richards’s, corner of Nine and
third Streets. I also called upon M’Euen, Hale and
Davidson, intending to put
all the Schuylkill Bridge Shares into their hands to be disposed of; but
finding them, at more than ten per Cent under par, although they still
yield an income of six per Cent, I determined to keep them somewhat
longer.— Visited at S. Ewing’s and
J. Sergeant’s. Met in the
Street W. Meredith, and
Commodore’s Decatur and
Perry, who was yesterday from
Washington, and told me the President was expected there this day—
Received visits from R. Walsh,
J. Vaughan who brought me the
third volume of Dr Franklin’s Memoirs, which he had taken from
the Custom-house, and which had been sent me by Mr Temple
Franklin, the Editor— J.
Connell, J. Sergeant and his brother, whom I saw, Mr
Daschkoff the Russian and Mr Greuhm the Prussian
Minister had called while I was out— Also Mr C. J.
Ingersoll, G. M.
Dallas, R. Bache,
Mrs
Dallas and Mrs Bache &c. We dined and
spent the Evening at Mr W. Jones’s; the President of
the Bank of the United States. Ingersoll, Dallas and Connell were there,
and some other company with whom I was unacquainted— I was not satisfied
with myself this day, having talked too much at dinner— I never take a
large share in conversation, without saying things which I afterwards
wish were unsaid— Yet in the estimation of others, I pass off, on the
whole better when I talk freely, than when silent and reserved— This
sometimes stimulates me to talk more than is wise or proper, and to give
to the conversation of mixed companies, a tone of discussion which
becomes irksome and tedious. Nor can I always, (I did not this day)
altogether avoid a dogmatical and peremptory tone and manner, always
disgusting, and especially offensive in persons, to whose age or
situation others consider some deference due.
r Allibone called, and I
settled with him the Account for my Mother— This was the day of the general election, and
Allibone, who said he was a federalist, added that for the first time a
coalition had been formed between the federalists, and the Old school
democrats; and that the federalists had agreed to vote for M. Leib, as a Senator in the State
Legislature— Leib had always been a man, not only extremely obnoxious to
the federalists, but there were imputations upon his private character
which they had always held up as a reproach and infamy to the party
supporting— Yet so flexible is their own moral purity that they now vote
for this man themselves— Allibone said it might be good policy; but he
doubted whether he could reconcile it to his principles. Mr Perkins
came and asked me to call at his work-shop and look at his machinery for
engraving Steel-plates for Bank-Bills. At Breakfast there was with the
other Boarders a Mr Clapiers, a Frenchman, brother of one of the
same name whom we saw in
Russia. He told me that Barthe
was dead— At nine O’Clock Mr Vaughan called and I went
with him to the apartment of the American philosophical Society. He
shewed me a collection of maps of America, published within these two
years at Paris; coloured apparently with a view to confine the
territories of the United States within the narrowest limits left them
by the pretensions of all or any other Power whatever—distributing the
whole western Coast of America, between Spain, Russia and Great Britain—
Bordering us upon Spain to the South at the line from the Mennentao to
Natchitoches, and stopping us Westward at the Rocky Mountains. At this
apartment I met Mr Duponceau, Professor Pearson of Andover, and Mr. John
Winthrop; the same 413I had seen last
year in England. Mr Vaughan lent me from the
Books of the Society the third narrative of La Salle’s discoveries, by father Hennepin—the other two being
at the Library of Congress at Washington— I went to Perkins and saw his
machinery, and his copperplates taken by pressure from Steel-plates. The
invention is ingenious, and must be effectual to preserve Bank-Bills
from being forged, so far as relates to the engraved parts— The
imitation appears to be scarcely possible. I met there Mr Charles
Harrod, brother of Mrs T. B. Adams, and settled at
New-Orleans— On returning to my lodgings I found there Mr Prince
Sanders the black man; who has returned from his
establishments in the kingdom of king
Henry of Haÿti. I asked him if he intended to return
thither, to which he did not think proper to give a direct answer; but
said if he did it would be contrary to the advice of his friends. He
appeared to be labouring however with the project of colonizing Hayti
from the free people of colour in the United States. He admitted that
the Government of King Henry was of rather an arbitrary character, and
in respect to personal liberty and security was susceptible of some
improvements. He spoke however very guardedly and with great reserve. I
gave him my opinion of king Henry’s government very freely. Our
conversation was interrupted by the arrival of the hour for my
departure— At Noon we embarked in the Steam-boat Superior, Captain Milnor for Wilmington; being
the line of Steamboats and Stages, in opposition to that of Newcastle
and Frenchtown, which we took in going Eastward. The weather was rainy,
with a heavy gale of wind. We dined on board the Steam-boat; arrived at
Wilmington by four in the afternoon, and proceeded immediately in
Post-Chaises to the head of Elk, 20 Miles; where we arrived between
seven and eight in the Evening. We immediately embarked in the Steamboat
Eagle; where I unexpectedly met the Spanish
Minister Onis and his family, returning like ourselves to
Washington. The violence of the gale had abated, but there was still a
heavy swell in Chesapeake Bay, and the Evening was so damp and chill
that we were chiefly confined to the Cabins. The births were for the
most part engaged when we came on board; but the Captain gave me his own
State-Room. About ten, I retired to bed, but not to sleep.
Washington. Our passage
from Elkton to Baltimore was very rapid; for at half past three O’Clock
in the Morning we were along side of the wharf. The opposition line has
abridged nearly by one half the time of performing the Journey between
Philadelphia and Baltimore—for last year I left Philadelphia at Noon and
reached Baltimore the next day at five in the afternoon—29. hours. but
now, leaving Philadelphia, at the same hour of Noon, we reached
Baltimore, between three and four O’Clock the next Morning; less than
sixteen hours. After waiting in the Boat till near five O’Clock, we
walked up to Gadsby’s tavern, and
were three hours in ascertaining whether we could have a room there— The
house being upon our arrival entirely full. Mrs
Adams had written from New-York, directing that our
Coachman Harry should come
with our light Coaches to Baltimore, to be there last Evening. We found
he had not arrived; and supposing either that the Letter had not been
received; or that some accident had prevented the Carriage from
arriving, I was engaging Seats for us all in the eight O’Clock Stage;
when Harry came in with our Horses and Carriage. The bad weather of
yesterday had made such heavy roads, that he had broken the Pole, and a
glass of the Carriage, and had been obliged to travel all night to reach
Baltimore thus early this morning. I took Seats therefore in the Stage,
only for myself and Philip,
and left Mrs Adams and Mary Hellen to come on in our own
Carriage this afternoon or to-morrow. Judge Johnson of South Carolina, with his Sister and daughter, were leaving Gadsby’s house,
and left a vacant chamber for Mrs Adams. We
met at Baltimore, Mr Roth, Secretary to the French legation, just
embarking for France, on a leave of absence. ten Cate, the late Dutch Charge d’Affaires he told us had
been with him and intended to embark with him; but yesterday suddenly
went off for New-York, he believed to fight a duel, with Mr
Willink, a Dutchman 414who had been
the occasion of ten Cate’s being recalled, and had affronted him, by
paying a Bill of Exchange, drawn by ten Cate, and which had come back
protested; and endorsing upon it Paid for the honour of Holland— I had
several travelling companions in the Stage; and among them Mr
Latrobe the Architect, a very pleasant and social one— The
roads were still heavy from the rains of yesterday. We dined at Cokendorfers, formerly Ross’s; and just at five O’Clock in
the afternoon, I alighted at my house in Washington; and spent the
Evening alone, in reading and writing.
r John Pope to Mrs
Adams, and to Mr George Boyd, who has removed
from this City into Virginia. He is an applicant for a warrant as a
Midshipman in the Navy. I called at the President’s where I met Mr Calhoun. The President
arrived from his seat in Virginia last Sunday. His health is better than
it was in the Spring, but still somewhat infirm— He told me that
Mr
Crowninshield had resigned the Office of Secretary of the
Navy; it was announced in the National Intelligencer of this Morning—
The President said that as there was no person who occurred to him from
the Western Country, he proposed to make his Selection from one of the
middle Atlantic States; ranging between New-York and Maryland—and he
named the late Governor Snyder of
Pennsylvania, Mr Thompson, now Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court of New-York, and General Peter B.
Porter as persons of whom he had thought— Their respective
merits were discussed, and as Porter is now a Commissioner under two
Articles of the Treaty of Ghent, and could not without inconvenience be
replaced by another person for that service, he was laid out of the
question— I observed to the President, that it would be very desirable,
if possible to have one member of the administration from the Western
States. It was a great and rapidly growing Section of the Union, and
there appeared to be some uneasiness among them, at what they considered
as an exclusion from the Cabinet, as it is usually called. The
appointment of one member of the Administration from among them I
thought would have a happy and conciliatory effect. He said he was well
aware of the weight of these Considerations, and asked if I had thought
of any person belonging to that part of the Union, suitable for the
appointment— I said my acquaintance there was very limited, and the more
so from the long absence from the United States from which I have
recently returned. But I thought there must be many individuals there,
well qualified to preside over a Department and to advise, as a member
of the Administration— He said he would think further of the subject and
asked how I thought it would be proper to have the duties of the head of
the Department supplied in the interval, till the new appointment— It
might be, either by assigning them to one of the acting Heads of the
other Departments—or to the President of the board of Commissioners of
the Navy—or to Mr Homans the Chief Clerk of the Navy Department.
During a late vacancy in the War Department, the Chief Clerk, Mr. George
Graham, had officiated as acting Secretary; but there had
been some complaints against Mr Homans and
certain circumstances of his conduct had been brought to light during
the last Session of Congress, which he, the President thought of very
little weight and not affecting his integrity; but which others viewed
in a more serious light, insomuch that two members of Congress had even
suggested to him that it should have subjected Homans to censure from
him— To give him the powers of a head of Department might therefore
occasion public animadversion; and on the other hand to make a different
disposal might wound his feelings, and seem to give countenance to those
prejudices against him, which seemed to be not altogether just. Mr
Madison, at his late visit to him in Virginia, had intimated
an opinion that the Office of Secretary of the Navy might be itself
abolished, and its duties assigned to the President of the Commissioners
of the Navy but he did not concur in that opinion, and was unwilling to
give so much countenance to it as even a temporary appointment of the
President of the Board, to do the duties of the Secretary of the Navy
might warrant.— on the subject of foreign Affairs, little was said.
There are several important despatches received from Messrs. Rush, Gallatin,
and Erving which I had not yet
seen. The mass of papers at the Department, accumulated since the
direction was received from me to forward no more of them to Boston, is
so great that I almost despair of getting through the reading of them— I
was but a short time at the Office and only read over a few of the
papers— Called and made some arrangements at the Branch and Metropolis
Banks— On returning home to dinner, I found that Mrs
Adams and Mary Hellen
had arrived from Baltimore, which they did not leave till this
morning.
415r Scott the delegate from the
Missouri territory likewise came in. He remained here several weeks
after the close of the last Session of Congress; and is already upon the
ground in preparation for the next— I had a visit also from General Swift. At the President’s I met Mr
Crawford the Secretary of the Treasury. Something further
was said with regard to the temporary filling of the Navy Department—
Mr Crawford observed that there were
precedents for both the modes of filling it, by the Head of another
Department, or by the Chief Clerk; and he appeared to think unfavourably
of Homans; at least he thought after Blagrove’s exposure of him last winter, he ought to have
deposited the whole balance of Public monies in his hands, immediately
in the Bank— I was again but a short time at the Office— Mr and
Mrs
Frye, with Johnson
and Thomas Hellen and Robert Buchanan, and Mr
and Mrs W. S. Smith, spent the Evening with us, and
we had a party of Loto with the Children.
r Calhoun the Secretary at War called upon me
this Morning with a Mr Ware of the State of Mississippi, who had been
mentioned to me by Mr John Vaughan and Dr Brown whom we met in
the street at Philadelphia last Tuesday Morning, and whom Vaughan
introduced to me. They were under the impression that Ware himself had
seen at San Antonio, records of antient grants of Land by the French
Government within the Province of Texas. Mr
Vaughan therefore had promised to ask Ware to call upon me when he
should come to Washington—but it proved, not that he had seen these
records himself, but that Americans who were at San Antonio in the year
1813. had told him they had seen them there— The records and the town of
San Antonio itself have been since burnt, when retaken by the
Royalists.— Mr
John Graham called on me at the Office, and mentioned to
me, that the Report of the late Commissioners to South-America, was to
be drawn up by Mr Rodney, and would contain rather a statement
of facts collected by the Commissioners, and observed by them than any
opinions of their own— To this I readily assented— He said he had
written to Mr Rodney before I last left the
City, that the President and all
the Administration would probably be here by the 15th. of this Month; and that it would be
expected that the Report of the Commissioners would then be ready. Mr Rodney had answered him that he would have
it ready by the time; but within these few days had written him again
that he had been unexpectedly called away upon business of his own,
which would delay for a short time the completion of the Report— I told
Mr Graham that if it was sent in by the
end of the Month it would be in time; but it could not without
inconvenience be longer postponed, as Congress are to convene on the
16th. of next Month, and the manner in
which the subject will be mentioned by the President in his message,
will depend in some measure upon the Report.— I had mentioned yesterday
Young Essex to the President as
soliciting a Warrant of Midshipman; and as he belongs to the State of
Kentucky, from which the proportion of Officers in the Navy is very
small, the President directed that a warrant should issue for him
immediately; as well as for a young man named Telfair, of Virginia recommended by
Mr Crawford. I called at the Navy Department, and
spoke to Mr
Homans about the warrants. He found Telfair’s name on the
list of Applicants. Essex’s application was entirely new. He said he
would have the Warrants made out immediately but there was no person yet
authorized to countersign them— Coll. Swartwout was yesterday
commissioned as Navy Agent at New-York— He had called upon me the day
before to ask for my influence in obtaining the appointment. I told him
that being perfectly disposed to render him any service in my power, I
should be happy if he should obtain the appointment; but as it was of
the resort of another Department my general rule was merely to make
known to the President such applications as were made through me 416together with the recommendations by which they
were supported, leaving him to judge of them himself. I should feel
myself peculiarly obliged to observe that course in the present case,
having been very earnestly solicited at my passage through New-York to
interest myself in behalf of another person, a Mr
Rutgers— Coll. Swartwout
professed to be entirely satisfied with this— I received last Evening a
Note from the Abbe Correa, the
Portuguese Minister, complaining of an attempt to fit out an armed
vessel in the Patuxent to cruize against Portuguese subjects and
property, under Commissions from Artigas— I met the Abbé as I was going to the Office and
appointed to see him at 2 O’Clock, when he came. I told him that the
only way in which the Executive could interpose was by directing a
prosecution of the persons chargeable with a violation of the Laws, and
that if he would give the names of such persons and of the witnesses who
would establish the proof against them, the Attorney for the District of Maryland would be directed
to commence a prosecution. He asked whether the President was not
authorized by the Law of the last Session of Congress to employ the army
and navy of the United States to suppress such armaments. I said he was,
but that he could not take the facts for granted— A judicial conviction
appeared to be the only proof upon which he could resort to measures of
that character— He said he could have no confidence in any judicial
prosecution— What reliance for instance could he place for instance in
the verdict of a jury selected by the Sheriff of Baltimore, who was himself concerned in the
fitting out of these privateers. I told him the Sheriff of Baltimore
would have nothing to do with the selection of the Juries, the trial
being before the Courts of the United States, and not those of the
State. He said it was very hard, that such things must be doing almost
under the very eyes of this Government; and that there should be no
remedy for Portugal, whose king had
always been so friendly towards the United States. That privateering
Commissions from Artigas were mere absurdities, as he had possession of
no Seaport; and that there might just as well issue Commissions for
privateering, from Harper’s ferry, or from the Seminole Indians— That he
was fully persuaded of the just and honourable intentions of the
American Government; but that “we had a most unmanageable crew—” I
answered him that I trusted he did not intend by that remark to cast a
reflection upon the nature of our Institutions, but that at all events
our people were quite as manageable for every good purpose, as the
people of any other Nation, not excepting that of Portugal and Brazil.
That we wished to take no part in the war carried on between the
Portuguese Government and that of Artigas; but that there could be no
analogy between Artigas and the Seminole Indians— He disclaimed any
intention of reflecting upon our Institutions, and professed on the
contrary great respect for them; but he recurred to the kindness which
his king had always manifested to the United States. I mentioned to him
the case of the privateer General Armstrong at Fayal, during our late
War with England— He said that Ghost was always brought up against him—
He had written about it to his Court, when I mentioned it to him before
and had received all the papers that had passed between them, and the
British Government concerning it. Fayal was an open road; incapable of
resistance; and great damage was done upon the occasion of this
transaction, to the houses of the inhabitants on shore. The British
Government had offered to indemnify all those inhabitants, but his Court
had refused to accept that indemnity, without satisfaction’s being given
to the complaint on the part of the United States also. This was all
they could do— I said the result however was that no satisfaction had
been given to the United States. The Abbe finally concluded by saying
that he wished me to answer his note so that he might make his report to
his own Government— I told him there were some other subjects on which I
should be glad to converse with him, and he said he would call at my
house to-morrow— Mr Bagot, and the Viscount de Quabeck, the
new Chargé d’Affaires from the Netherlands sent notes requesting
interviews; for which I appointed twelve and two O’Clock next Monday. On
returning home to dinner, I found Mr Bailey, and the Chevalier Courson de la
Villehalio, Captain of the French Frigate la Duchesse de
Berri, now at New-York. I found quite unexpectedly that this Officer was
an old acquaintance—he reminded me of having seen me at the University
of Cambridge, and of having with a party of French Officers dined with
me at my father’s house, in
September 1788. he belonged to a French squadron then in Boston harbour
commanded by a Mr. de Vintimille— I
recollected the circumstance distinctly 417but not
the person of Mr Courson. He has mistaken
also the year, which was 1788. He thinks it 1787— I went after dinner
with Mrs Adams and we spent the Evening at Mr
Frye’s.
r Daniel Brent. There
was an advertisement in the newspapers that Mr Hurley
a celebrated preacher from Philadelphia, was to preach this morning at
the Roman Catholic Church; and we went with Mr Brent to hear him— But an apology was made for him from
indisposition, and Mr Matthews the regular priest,
preached in his stead. Walked from the Church, with Mr
and Madame de Neuville and
the Chevalier Courson, who
paid a visit to Mrs Adams— Mr Onis and
his
daughters came in soon after. They all arrived here
yesterday—the de Neuville’s, from a visit to Mr
Madison, in Virginia—and the Onis’s from Baltimore. I had a
long visit also from Cardelli,
who is very anxious to take the President’s Bust; and from the Abbè Correa, who goes for Philadelphia
to-morrow, to return at the end of the week— I walked an hour after
dinner and was writing the remainder of the Evening.
r Scott the delegate from the Missouri territory
came to enquire what was the result of a letter that he had written to
me last week against the reappointment of judge Lucas as one of the judges of the territory. His
commission he stated had expired, and he accuses him of being a man of
violent temper and passions. I told Scott that his Letter should be laid
before the President; but he might
think it a very harsh measure to omit the reappointment of judge Lucas;
as under the circumstances it would be equivalent to a removal from
office. I suggested also that as party Spirit in the Missouri territory
was extreme, it would have the appearance of taking part in it, to
withhold the reappointment unless there was some remonstrance against it
from the People themselves— He said at all Events as the People would
probably be authorised to form a Constitution as a State at the next
Session of Congress, Lucas would not hold his Commission long, for when
the People should once have the power of manifesting their opinion of
Lucas, he had no doubt what it would be— Call at the President’s— He
spoke again of the appointment of a Secretary of the Navy. Said he
should offer it to Commodore
Rogers, who probably would decline accepting it. He had
already declined it, when offered to him by President Madison—and next to him, he thought he should
offer it to the Chief-Justice of New York Thompson; whom he did not personally know—but whose
reputation stood very high, and who was represented as having kept
entirely aloof from all the intrigues of the New-York parties— I had
mentioned to the President the late Governor of the State of Ohio,
Worthington, as a
suitable candidate from the Western Country, and as having once been a
seafaring man— The President said he was not personally acquainted with
him—but he had been mentioned to him as a man of indirect ways, upon
whose steadiness no reliance was to be placed— He preferred men of a
strait forward character. I observed to him this day that as the
Vice-President was from
New-York, Pennsylvania might have the stronger claim to a member of the
administration. He assented to the remark; but if Rodgers does not
accept Thompson will be the man— The President said that for the
temporary appointment, as Mr Calhoun’s Office was
immediately opposite to that of the Secretary of the Navy, he had
requested him to perform the duties in the short interval till the
appointment. I had thought of recommending this arrangement myself. At
the Office I had interviews with Mr Bagot, and with the Viscount de Quabeck, who
came in while Bagot was with me. Mr Bagot
was appointed for, and came at twelve O’Clock. I had directed that two
should be the hour appointed for the Viscount. One was by mistake the
time fixed, and when he came he was admitted. It was however merely a
visit of form; and he told me he could not apply to be presented to the
President, until the arrival of his trunks from Philadelphia, which were
coming round by water, and which contained his Uniform dress— Mr Bagot told me that he came to redeem the
pledge of Lord Castlereagh’s
promise given last November; to communicate frankly what was doing by
the European allies in relation to Spain and South America. That the
only reason why this had not been 418done before,
was because nothing had been matured; nothing agreed upon; nothing
prepared even to an extent which was worth communicating—lately however
some advance in the business had been made, and he had brought me
several papers to read, of which he was not authorized to give or allow
copies to be taken, but which were communicated in the most entire
confidence. The first was a circular note, from Lord Castlereagh to the
five allied Powers dated in August 1817. and founded upon the previous
application from Spain, soliciting the mediation of the allies, between
her and her Colonies— It proposes that they should undertake the
Mediation, on condition that Spain should agree to three principles to
form the basis of it 1. A general amnesty to the insurgents 2. That the
South Americans should be admissible to Offices and honours equally with
the Spaniards. 3. That the Colonies should enjoy a free commerce with
other Nations; subject to certain suitable preferences in favour of
Spain. This is the paper referred to in the Russian Answer of November;
the original application from Spain for the Mediation does not yet
appear. The next paper exhibited by Mr Bagot
was a Note from the Duke of San
Carlos the Spanish Ambassador, in England dated in June
last— Accepting the bases proposed in the British Note, but couching the
promise of commercial freedom in more indefinite terms and intimating an
expectation that the allies would guarantee the issue of the Mediation.
The first British Note had in the most explicit manner disclaimed every
intention of resorting to force against the Colonies, in any event of
the Negotiation— The reply from Lord Castlereagh to this Note of the
Duke of San Carlos (which was also a circular, the Duke of Fernan-Nuñez, having presented
one of precisely the same tenour at Paris, which was there published,
and is now circulating in all our Newspapers) after guarding against the
Spanish insinuation of a guarantee, by repeating the firm determination,
in no event whatever to employ force against the Colonies, calls upon
Spain to speak out in explicit terms, and declare what she proposes in
reference to the commercial freedom to be allowed to the Colonies after
their return to her Government— With this Note is a copy of Lord
Castlereagh’s despatch to Sir Henry Wellesley, the British Ambassador at
Madrid, directing him to present it— The despatch is dated in August
last, and intimates that towards the close of that Month, Lord
Castlereagh, expected to go to the Congress of Sovereigns at Aix la
Chapelle; instructing also Sir Henry
Wellesley to urge the Spanish Government, to have a
Plenipotentiary there with a plan fully prepared for the arrangement
with the Colonies. This Congress at Aix La Chapelle has since been
postponed to the last week in September— The Spanish Note of June last
professes also the disposition of Spain to take such measures on the
subject as her Allies may advise— I asked Mr
Bagot, if Lord Castlereagh said anything to him of the Protests by the
deputies from Buenos Ayres, and from New-Grenada, against the
interference of the Allies—he said no. I asked him if he would allow me
to take these papers to the President for his perusal, with my promise
and word of honour that no copies should be taken, and that the papers
should be immediately afterwards returned to him. He declined letting
the papers go from him, but offered to go with me to the President’s,
and remain there while he should be reading the papers. This sort of
confidential distrust is usual with the British Government; and I once
had a sample of it from Count
Romanzoff. It is so grossly indelicate, that between
individuals it could scarcely be viewed otherwise than as an insult.
indeed Romanzoff’s caution went no further than to decline giving a copy
of what he allowed me to read. The permission to read, with the refusal
to allow papers to be taken for perusal out of the presence of the
confiding party, is altogether English. I declined accepting Mr Bagots offer, but requested him to present
my thanks to Lord Castlereagh for this confidential communication. With
regard to the expedient, proposed to be attempted by the allies, it was
perhaps due to their political connections and engagements with Spain,
but I thought it not likely to prove successful; nor could I imagine the
British Government expected it would be successful. It was a step
prepared in the descent from power, of Spain, to break her fall. It
might be fair and just to Spain to give her the benefit of the
experiment; but after its failure, as I thought it must undoubtedly
fail, it would be equally fair and just to Spain to put an end to all
her expectations, and to that horrible war she is carrying on, by
recognizing the principal Independent South American Governments— Mr Bagot assented entirely to these opinions.
He left me after two O’Clock— Mr Crawford had requested
a meeting of the Commissioners of the sinking fund at two, at his
office; but it was three before I got there; and Mr Wirt the
Attorney General immediately afterwards came in— It was a question upon
a transaction with the Bank of the United States. They had given him
notice that they should sell about 400,000 dollars of United States
Stocks; being all that they have left, unless taken within fifteen days
for Account of the United States. A Section of their Act of
Incorporation restricts them from 419selling Stock
in the United States, without giving this previous notice of fifteen
days to the Secretary of the Treasury, that he may have the option of
taking it for public account at certain rates below the present market
price— Mr Crawford said that from the
present state of the Treasury, it would not be convenient to take the
Stock; but there was another point upon which he had made up his mind,
and upon which the Directors of the Bank differed from him— They had got
the opinion of three Lawyers to support them; but he had last year
compelled them to purchase near two Millions of Stock to replace as much
which they had sold after notice given by him of his intention to redeem
it. They had made the purchase at a cost of 54000 dollars— His position
was this—that the Stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States,
being made by the Act of incorporation, redeemable by them at their
pleasure, although upon the face of it redeemable as Stock, only at
certain periods; if it should be sold by the Bank to individuals it
would still be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, and upon
the same terms as if it had remained in the possession of the Bank— Upon
this point my opinion differed from that of Mr Crawford. I considered the provisions in the Act of
incorporation, not as changing the nature of the Stock, but merely as
restrictions upon the Bank with regard to Sales— Mr Wirt was undecided, but inclined to the opinion of Mr Crawford. It was proposed that Mr Wirt should write to take the opinion of
Chief Justice Marshall. I
urged Mr Crawford to waive the question by
taking the whole of the stock for the public; but he was afraid of
draining so much the Treasury. He finally resolved however to take the
3. per Cent Stocks of which there were about the amount of 90000
dollars, and which were the only portion of the whole, the redeemability
of which, upon the terms prescribed to the Bank, it was of any import to
the public to have retained— Morning and Evening employed in
writing.
rs: Gallatin and Rush,
upon the subject of certain proposals relating to impressment, and to
measures for promoting the abolition of the Slave-trade— I reported to
the President the Conversation I had yesterday with Mr Bagot,
and his proposal to accompany me to the President’s house that he might
have the opportunity to peruse the papers—he approved of my having
declined this offer; and directed me to assure Mr Bagot that he was well satisfied with the communication as
made to me, and received it as a friendly mark of confidence from the
British Government— I called at Mr Calhoun’s Office to give him
the notice of the Meeting to-morrow. He asked me to have a warrant or
Commission made out for him to perform the duties of Secretary of the
Navy— On looking into the Precedents, and the Laws I found that although
the President is authorised to assign for an interval of six Months the
duties of the Secretaries of State, the Treasury and of War, to other
Officers, yet that there is no such provision for the supplying a
vacancy in the Navy Department, which was created, after the Law
relating to the other Departments had been enacted. I mentioned this to
Mr Calhoun, that the question might be
taken into consideration— I had a morning visit from General Swift— Spent the Evening with
Mrs Adams, and Mary
Hellen, at W. S.
Smith’s.
r Wirt the Attorney General, and enquire how
long a public Minister is allowed his privilege, after his recall; and
says he thinks there is a law in this Country, allowing it for two
Months— Quabeck said he thought the usual allowance in Europe was two Months six weeks— I told him I knew of
no precise law upon the subject anywhere— I suppose the usage every
where was a reasonable time; of the extent of which the judicial
tribunals in every individual case would decide. Quabeck then told me
the origin and progress, of ten Cate’s quarrel with Willink, to its present Stage of an
imminent duel. It began by an overdraft of ten Cate’s upon a Bank in
Philadelphia—to refund which he gave a Bill of Exchange upon Amsterdam
which came back protested— Willink then paid the Bill, and endorsed the
payment, “for the honour of the Government of the Netherlands,” at which
ten Cate took offence, and wrote Willink a Letter expressing his
dissatisfaction. Willink answered by a Letter so violent and outrageous,
that it was impossible ten Cate could avoid calling him to account for
it— But he was afraid as ten Cate was enquiring how long his privilege
continued, that he might be arrested for debt by Willink who yet holds
the protested Bill of Exchange against him. I requested the Viscount to
write immediately to ten Cate, dissuading him from the pursuit of his
duel, on the very ground of his privilege, as his adversary having no
privilege, it was impossible for them to meet upon equal terms. He
promised me that he would write accordingly. I asked him if ten Cate had
said any thing to him of a sum of money which he had borrowed of me, and
for which he had given a draft upon the Minister of foreign affairs, the
Baron de Nagell— He said no—
I then told him the whole transaction, upon which he said he was sure it
would finish the ruin of ten Cate; who certainly had no authority to
draw upon the Baron de Nagell— That Minister he said “sautera haut comme
cela” holding his hand two foot above the floor, when he should have the
Bill presented to him; and he was very much afraid would not accept the
Bill, until the circumstances under which it was given shall be
explained to him— I told him that as Mr ten
Cate’s pecuniary embarrassment was well known, when I took his Bill,
Mr Everett, who was going out as our
Charge d’Affaires to the Netherlands, had been instructed to give the
proper explanations, to Baron Nagell, if they should be found necessary—
Mr
Everett was to have embarked immediately afterwards and
was indeed the bearer of one of the Bills— He had however been detained
by the private Circumstances of his family, but was now on the point of
embarking— I told him that before I supplied ten Cate with the money I
had required of him a written declaration that he had no reason to
expect or believe that his Government would hesitate or decline to
accept his Bill; which he had accordingly given. Quabeck said that if he
wrote that to his Government, ten Cate’s case would be more completely
irredeemable than it now is; but that he was already “en disgrace
complette.” I said I should not wish to have the circumstances mentioned
unless it should be necessary to account for my having furnished him the
money. He said the sum 3000 dollars, amounted to nine Months of ten
Cate’s Salary, and he knew he had been paid up to the last Stuiver,
though he believed his Government were now satisfied that the Salary was
insufficient— ten Cate had made himself very generally liked and
esteemed here, and there had been no apparent extravagance in his
expence’s— It was inconceivable how he had got himself into such a
situation— I said finally that I had supplied him the money as much out
of regard to his Government as to himself—there were several examples of
its having been done to accommodate other foreign public agents; and I
had advanced it, after consulting the only one of my colleagues who was
here at the time— But as the money that I had advanced belonged to the
public, I should in the end be personally responsible for it, if the
Bill should not be paid— Mr ten Cate, to
account for the largeness of the sum, which he had asked for, told me
that he had orders from his Government to make certain purchases for
them— He had even requested an addition of eight hundred dollars to the
largest sum first mentioned by him, which I had declined to supply him.
Quabeck said he had no doubt that when these explanations were given the
money would be paid, but he had never heard a syllable of any order
given by his Government to ten Cate, to make any purchases for them.— I
called at Mr de Neuville’s and paid a visit
to the Chevalier de Courson, whom we had invited to dine with us next
Saturday; he is however obliged to leave the City for New-York
to-morrow; and is going immediately to Martinique. I then Stopped at
Mr Wirts Office, and gave him notice of
the meeting at the President’s
house, which I had forgotten to do yesterday. He immediately went with
me; and we found Mr Crawford already at the
President’s— Mr
Calhoun came in a few minutes after us. There were three
subjects upon which the President consulted us. 1. Respecting,
instructions to be given to Messrs: Gallatin and Rush, relating to proposals from the
British Government, on the subject 421of
impressment, and of the abolition of the Slave trade. 2. On the question
whether Commodore Rogers, to whom
the President has offered the appointment of Secretary of the Navy, can
be with propriety allowed to accept it, and at the same time retain his
rank and Commission in the Navy. 3. On the proceedings of two Courts
Martial, upon the case of Captain
Hall— The first was postponed to a future day for the want
of some despatches from Mr Rush, which I am
to look up. With regard to the second the unanimous opinion was that
Commodore Rodgers ought not to hold the two Offices of Secretary of the
Navy, and of Captain in the Service, together. The accumulation of
permanent Offices in the same person being contrary to the Spirit of the
Constitution, and to the disposition of the People— The case of Captain
Hall involves several important principles, and was thoroughly
discussed. He was tried last January by a Court Martial, at Baltimore,
upon a charge by Major Satterlee
Clark of having cheated him at cards—playing Loo, all
night long and till after daylight in the Morning— It was in evidence
before the Court-Martial that both the parties were drunk—Clark,
slightly, and Hall, so that he did not know what he was doing— The
evidence as to the intention of cheating was therefore totally
deficient—yet the Court-Martial found Hall guilty, and sentenced him to
be cashiered. He offered evidence to his general character, for
sobriety; and aversion to gaming, which the Court rejected— He offered
evidence that there had been a quarrel between Clark and him the same
night; to discredit his testimony— The Court rejected it— Under these
Circumstances the President disapproved the Sentence of the Court; and
directed a new trial, by another Court-Martial; which met at Plattsburg
in June last— The 87th: Article of War,
provides that no Officer shall be tried a second time, for the same
Offence— Storrow the judge
Advocate before the second Court-Martial made a speech to convince them
that they could not try or arraign Hall, because he had been tried once
before— They decided accordingly, though Hall was ready and desirous to
be tried, and even attempted to object against the judge Advocate on
account of his opposition to the trial— They refused to arraign Hall,
and adjourned the Court without day. The President thereupon took the
written opinion of the Attorney General; which is that notwithstanding
the 87th. Article of War, an Officer may be
tried a second time, for his own benefit; after a
conviction, though not after an acquittal— The question was, what should
be done—whether to send back the case to the same second Court-Martial;
with the written opinion of the Attorney-General; and a peremptory order to them to try Hall—or to send it to a
third Court-Martial; or to refer the subject at once to Congress for an
explanatory Law. I found the opinion of all the administration fully
made up; and had unfortunately only doubts to suggest in which no other
member of the Administration participated. My doubts were 1. whether the
decision of the second Court-Martial, was not well founded; and that
they could in fact not legally try Hall. 2. Whether the order to try him
was an ordinary Military order, which they were bound to obey without
enquiring into its legality 3. Whether they were bound by an order from
the Executive, relating to the nature of the Evidence which they must
admit or reject. 4. Whether the President can lawfully constitute one
Court-Martial, as a Court of appeal from the decision of another. Mr Calhoun was so clear upon all these
points, that he thought there was no room for any doubt. The President
and Attorney General, had made up their Minds, with equal decision— Mr Crawford though occasionally a little
staggered, could not raise doubts sufficient to support mine; so that I
had really not stubbornness enough to persevere in them— I acquiesced in
the alternative of sending back the case to the second Court Martial
with the opinion of the Attorney General, which I told him, I thought
controvertible— I suggested the question however whether it would be
expedient to have the same judge Advocate, upon the reference back, and
whether another could be appointed— Before the decision upon this point
was taken, dinner was announced; the President having last Evening sent
us invitations to remain and dine with him— There was no other company;
but Mrs
Monroe, and a nephew of her’s, a young Mr
Gouverneur— I came home early in the Evening, still
somewhat unwell.
422l: Gibson who is at
the head of the new Commissary’s department; to recommend to him for
Clerks two persons—one John
Mitchell the late Consul at Martinique, and the other a
Mr John
Smith, who was last year strongly recommended to me, and
who now calls on me to recommend him in my turn— I had already called
yesterday at Coll. Gibson’s lodgings, but he
was then gone to the Race grounds; the last three days having been those
of the Autumnal Washington Races— Gibson says that both Mitchell and
Smith will be appointed Clerks in his Office— At the President’s I mentioned the difficulty
with regard to printing the Journal of the Convention, in its present
incomplete condition. He advised me to write to Mr Madison
concerning it; which I did. Mr Bulfinch’s eldest Son, who is reading Law with
Mr
Wirt, came to solicit patronage; to be employed as a clerk
in one of the public Offices— I promised to speak to Mr Calhoun
in his favour— After dinner, I returned the visit of Judge H. Johnson of Louisiana, at his
lodgings.
r John Graham made the
translation of this Note and sent it to me this day; upon which I
answered it, agreeing to postpone the exchange of the Ratifications of
the Convention, and inviting an immediate communication of Mr Onis’s new proposals. Mr
Pleasonton called at the Office, and brought me several
papers of vindication, and of recommendation of T. Kirkpatrick late Consul of the
United States at Malaga, who was displaced on account of his failure as
a merchant, with heavy complaints against him by several Citizens of the
United States— He now sends these testimonials in his favour, and
desires to be informed of the reasons for which he was dismissed from
Office— Mrs Adams attended this Evening a Ball, at
Mr Thomas
Peter’s at Georgetown— I spent it at home, writing.
r Calhoun who asked me to
enquire of Mr
Bagot whether he had any authority to agree to a temporary
line between the British territories and ours to the Northwest; and said
he was establishing a line of Posts in that direction to cover our
frontier, and prevent the British traders from crossing the line to
trade with the Indians within our boundaries. I called afterwards at
Calhoun’s Office, where he shewed me upon the map, the positions where
the new Posts are to be established— I was engaged all the remainder of
the Morning, in reading over the despatches from R. Rush, received since I left the City
in August— They lay open a field for much labour, and most assiduous
industry to me. May I not be found wanting, to my duties, or to my
Country! There was a Letter from Harriet
Welsh to my wife received, mentioning that my Mother was unwell; and that she,
Harriet was going out to pass some time at Quincy on that account— A
Postscript stated that my Sons had just returned from Quincy, where they were doing
well partly relieved me from the apprehensions excited by the Letter— We
had a diplomatic company to dinner— Mr and Mrs. Bagot
Messrs Antrobus, Hughes, Baker and Crawford. Mr and Mrs Hyde de
Neuville, and Mr Bourqueney, Mr and Miss de Onis, Madame dè Heredia, and Messrs: Pizarro-Martinez, la
Serna and Stoughton, the Viscount de Quabeck, and Mr Johnson, the Senator
from Louisiana— The chevalier de
Courson, left the City on Thursday— Messrs. de
Mun and Thierry of the French, and Mr Noëli of the Spanish
legations sent excuses. Mr Zamorano was absent— The
party would have been agreeable, but that Mrs Adams 423was suffering all the time
with a severe head-ache, and immediately after the company left us was
very sick— Quabeck told me that he had received a letter from ten Cate at Philadelphia, whither he had
returned from New-York; and had not found Willink— He has taken passage in a vessel bound to
Antwerp, and is to embark immediately. I asked Quabeck to call at my
office on Monday or Tuesday, and told him I would shew him my
Correspondence with ten Cate relating to the advance of money made to
him— He said he would call, but that he had already written to his
Government mentioning the circumstances which I had stated to him. I
asked Mr Bagot whether he had authority to
agree to a temporary North western line: he said he had not— I told him
that we were establishing a line of military Posts in the neighbourhood
of Lord Selkirk’s Settlements—
He said he had heard so. He also spoke to me about the sum of money
recovered in a district Court of the United States, by a Canadian
British Subject, and with which the Clerk of the Court, Tharon Rudd, absconded— I could say
nothing further on the subject than I had heretofore told him— He said
he should write to me about it again.
rs Adams continues quite
unwell, and was confined the whole of this day to her bed. I attended
again at the Roman Catholic Church, and heard Mr Hurley
preach. His text was Psalms 118.24. “This is the day which the Lord hath
made: let us rejoice and be glad therein.” He spoke without Notes; but
with great fluency and elegant language— His theme was the institution
of the Sabbath— There was little reasoning in his discourse, and not
much learning. But there was some pleasing declamation upon the power
and the goodness of God, and some sober doctrine upon the duty of
keeping the Sabbath day holy. His text might have justified a Roman
Catholic preacher, in urging that innocent pleasures and amusements are
not incompatible with the sanctity of the day; but he drew no such
doctrine from it— On the contrary he censured severely those who are in
the habit of devoting the day to frivolous diversions. The Roman
Catholics in this Country keep the Sunday with as much gravity as any
protestant sect— Mr Hurley who is a very
handsome man, appeared somewhat too studious of his attire; and there
was too much vehemence in his manner, for the temperate character of his
text— Immediately after he had finished his Sermon he went into the
vestry, stripped off his Stole and Surplice, and passed again through
the church and went away, while the ordinary Priest, Matthews, was in the midst of the
service administering the Communion— When I returned home from Church I
found that Mr
Onis had left two Notes at my house; one containing
complaints respecting the Government of Amelia Island, and the other
with propositions for the Negotiation of a Treaty— This second is a note
of 18 pages, containing a History of the Spanish Settlements in Mexico
over again— I had a Morning visit from Mr Middleton, who appears
to be mortified at the issue of the Election for the next Congress at
Charleston; the district now represented by him. He told me that
Mr
Clay, the Speaker was now here; going on, to-morrow, for
Boston. Cardelli was here and
brought the bust; but I did not see him. I took a solitary walk of two
hours before dinner; and wore out the Evening as I had the morning in
reading the newspapers— So that I wrote nothing the whole day.
r Calhoun
there. The President returned last Evening from his ride to Highland. I
read to him the Propositions contained in the Note of Mr Onis; with
which he was much dissatisfied; considering them not only as altogether
inadmissible, but as merely another experiment upon the Patience and
long suffering of this Government. He said it was time to bring Onis to
a point, and if he would not agree to reasonable terms to break off the
Negotiation. I afterwards gave the Propositions to Mr John
Graham for a translation. The President told me that
Commodore Rodgers had declined
the appointment of Secretary of the Navy; preferring his present station
as President 424of the Navy Board; with which he
retains his rank as a Captain in the Navy— The President said he should
now determine to offer the place, either to Mr Snyder, or to the
Chief Justice of New-York; Thompson: as he appeared to incline strongly in favour of
the latter, I presented to him all the considerations which operate in
favour of the other— He said he would determine in the course of the
day— There was a Letter came from my Son John to my wife dated the 22d. and
saying that my Mother was very
dangerously ill. My wife was so much recovered, as to be with us at
dinner— I wrote all the Evening.
r
Onis’s Propositions, prepared, and presented for
Consideration at a Cabinet Meeting this day; but that was impossible—
Mr John
Graham brought me the translation; and told me that
Pleasonton had informed
him Mr
Rodney had been prevented from coming to Washington, by a
fit of the fever and ague; but that he would be here this day or
to-morrow. I called at Mr Calhoun’s Office; as he is
now acting as Secretary of the Navy; to enquire if there was a frigate
or Sloop of War, which can be sent to the Havanna to demand the
liberation of a number of Americans now in confinement there—among whom
is a Mr
William Davis Robinson. He has made many applications for
the interference of this Government to obtain his release; and since my
return here Mr Fairfax, and young Mitchell have been to me, time after
time with the same request— It was concluded to send the John Adams, now
at New-York, and which Homans
says will be ready, by the first week in December. I obtained a warrant
for the Son of Ebenr. Gay
of Hingham, as Midshipman; to go in her; as he had requested me by
Letter to do. The Viscount de
Quabeck called upon me at two O’Clock, and I shewed him my
Correspondence with ten Cate, on the
Subject of the advance of money which I made to him. He says that the
more he hears of ten Cate’s affairs, the worse they appear; and he
shewed me a Letter from Zimmermann the Dutch commercial Agent at New-York stating
that when he left that City there were two or three Writs out against
him to arrest him there; and that he would be exposed to as many at
Philadelphia— He said that the vessel in which ten Cate had taken his
passage for Antwerp, cleared out on the 22d.
or 23d. and he hoped was now gone— Quabeck
told me that among the visits that he had paid when he was here before
were two to Mr Calhoun and Mr Wirt;
and as they were the only ones that had not been returned he did not
know, whether those gentlemen knew of his visits; and he enquired
whether it would be proper for him to pay them visits again. I told him
I thought not— But I would ascertain whether those Gentlemen had
received his Cards, and would let him know— Mr Lear came to me with a
young Spaniard named F. X. de Ealo, to
solicit the appointment of American Consul at Bilboa; and he brought
several recommendatory Certificates— Mr Alexander Scott of
Georgetown, came, with Letters of introduction, from Mr John Pope
of Kentucky, and from General Mason
of Georgetown. Two Letters from Harriet
Welsh to my wife were received; both written at Quincy last Thursday.
My ever dear and most affectionate Mother, was lying, with a bilious fever, and almost
without hope of her recovery. The second Letter written in the Evening
gives a glimpse of encouragement. God almighty grant that she may
survive, and be restored to perfect health. I wrote all this Evening,
and redeemed the arrears of this Journal.
rAlexander Scott of Georgetown, who
brought me Letters of recommendation Hoyt, who was introduced to me by Mr Bailey;
originally a Bostonian, now settled at Marietta, in the State of Ohio,
where he is Postmaster; and about to remove to Gibson in the State of
Mississippi, where he is to have the same Office. Commodore Porter mentioned to me a
claim of his upon the Government of Chili, for a prize vessel taken by
him during the late War, and taken from him by them. He wished that
Captain Downe of the Macedonian
who is going into the South Sea might be instructed to prosecute this
demand for him— It was past one O’Clock when I was going to the
President’s, but was detained half an hour by Mr Bagot,
who came in much agitated with a letter which he had just received from
Mr
Barclay, the British Commissioner under the fifth Article
of the Treaty of Ghent. It appears that in running their 45th. parallel Latitude, they find by the
observations of the Astronomers on both sides, that the existing line
touching upon Lake Champlain, is 425about three
quarters of a Mile too far North, and that the new line will bring two
Forts, lately built by us, within the British Territory. Hassler, the American Astronomer,
is so much alarmed at this result, that he is afraid there will be a
riot among the people there to overthrow the forts and break all their
instruments; and to prevent them from proceeding upon their business. He
communicated his terror to Dr Tyack, the British
Astronomer (they are both Germans) and he to Mr Barclay the British Commissioner, who wrote off immediately
to Mr Bagot, requesting him to apply for a
reinforcement of troops for their protection. I told Bagot I thought it
was nothing but a maggot in the brain of Hassler, and that there was no
danger whatever. But I promised to mention it to the President, and
inform him of the result— I found Crawford and Calhoun with the President, and told him of Mr Bagot’s communication— Notice of the fact
that the Astronomical Observations are likely to deprive us of our two
new forts had been received yesterday; from Coll. Totten, by a Letter
from Hassler, but the President and Calhoun laughed at the idea of the
apprehended rebellion against the Astronomers in Vermont. We passed to
the consideration of the reply to Onis’s Propositions— The President
himself inclined to make it merely a verbal communication, and to give
no written answer unless Onis would declare that he was authorized to
conclude a Treaty upon our ultimatum— It was however finally agreed that
it should be in writing— I read Onis’s propositions and my draft of an
answer to them. several alterations were proposed—one to the boundary
line that I had drawn up—Crawford wanted instead of the red river, the
chain of mountains to the South of it— A blank was to be filled for the
time after which the grants of Land are to be held null and void— 1802.
1805. 1808 and 1811. were successively mentioned and discussed without
coming to any decision. But the great difficulty was with regard to the
reunciations of claims for indemnities— It was concluded that some
exceptions must be reserved, and I was directed to prepare an additional
paragraph to that effect— Meeting adjourned about four. I received a
Letter from Dr Waterhouse of the 21st:
and one to my wife
from Harriet Welsh of the 23d. concerning my beloved Mother. The first very discouraging—
Harriet’s more cheering, and I fervently pray, of truer forecast. I had
also a Letter from A. H.
Everett, with Bills, discharging his debt to me. Took half
an hours walk alone after dinner; and spent the remainder of the Evening
in writing.
r Onis, but it did not yet
altogether suit the President’s views— He told me that he now thought it
of much less consequence than it was a year ago, whether we made any
adjustment with Spain at all— And that he thought Onis’s instructions
now were such that he would either sign no Treaty at all; or he would
sign one upon our own terms. I left my draft with him. He has begun that
of his Message, and read me two paragraphs, one respecting the
commercial Negotiation, now on foot with England— The other concerning
our relations with Spain. The latter was unfinished. He directed a
Cabinet Meeting at one O’Clock, upon the Instructions to be given to
Messrs: Gallatin and Rush,
concerning Impressment and the Slave trade. At one we met accordingly,
and discussed the question upon impressment till four without coming to
any decision. Another Meeting was appointed for twelve O’Clock
to-morrow. Rush according to his Instructions made two successive
proposals to the British Government, upon impressment— One the 18th. of April, and the other the 30th. of June last. The first was to restrict
reciprocally the naturalization of Sailors; the other was totally to
exclude each other’s Seamen, from the respective Services whether in
public or in merchant 426vessels—with a positive
stipulation against the impressment of men in any case. The British
Government in the first instance rejected both; but afterwards on the
13th of August Castlereagh intimated to Rush, as
a suggestion of his own, upon which he had not consulted the other
members of the Cabinet, that the second proposition might be accepted
with two Modifications; one that either party may withdraw from the
engagement of the stipulation after three or six Months notice, as in
the agreement concerning armaments on the Lakes— The other, that if a
British Officer after entering an American Vessel for purposes admitted
to be lawful, should find a Seaman there whom he should suspect to be
English, he should be authorized to make a record or procès verbal of
that fact that it may be brought to the knowledge of the American
Government, though not to take the man. The deliberation of this day was
whether Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, should be
instructed to agree to these modifications or not. Strong objections
were urged against them both, particularly by Mr.
Calhoun— Mr Crawford inclined to accede
to them both; and the President inclined to the same. Mr Wirt
without expressing himself very decidedly, thought like the President—
My own greatest objections were against the proposal as made by
ourselves; to which I have always been utterly averse—thinking it an
illiberal engagement—contrary to the free, generous and humane character
of our institutions, unjustly restrictive upon the rights both of our
own and of British Seamen, and having a tendency to excite the most
violent animosities in their minds against one another and especially
among the British Seamen against us— I thought it would be now
peculiarly offensive and injurious to our commercial interests—doubted
whether any such stipulation would be ratified by the Senate; was
confident it would give universal dissatisfaction to the merchants, and
in the Event of War, would be found impracticable in execution—as
however we have made the proposal, we must abide by it, if accepted; but
its own character may justly make us scrupulous against accepting any
modifications which render it still more unexceptionable— Mr Calhoun opposed the first of Lord
Castlereagh’s suggested modifications as leaving it in the power of the
British Government, to make the stipulation itself nugatory to us, at
the very moment, when it would begin to operate in our favour; and
because by consenting that the compact should thus be cancelled at
pleasure, we should be understood to have given an indirect assent to
the resumption of the British practice. I concurred in this opinion
which was strenuously contested by Mr
Crawford and Mr Wirt, the President leaning
a little the same way. Mr Crawford contended
that the only object of these modifications on the part of the British
Ministers was to make the stipulation itself palatable to their own
people. That no British Ministers would dare to contract such an
engagement, without reserving to themselves some such apology to
conciliate the public opinion of their own Country— But that if the
agreement should once be made they would never use the privilege of
giving notice that it should be cancelled. The practice being once
abandoned they would never incur the risk of resuming it— Mr Calhoun was also against acceding to the
second proposed modification, which would allow a British Officer to
muster and pass under inspection the crew of every American vessel
boarded by him— It would give rise to altercations, and expose the
American Master to the insolence of the British Officer, scarcely less
galling than the injury of impressment itself. Calhoun added that the
result of the late War had been to raise the tone of feeling in this
Nation— That the success of the menacing attitude assumed with Spain, in
the case of R. W. Meade had
raised it still higher. That any concession by the Administration, which
should tend to lower that tone of feeling, would give great
dissatisfaction to the Nation, and would be used as a weapon against the
Administration— Crawford said he had mentioned the proposed
modifications to Mr Clay last Saturday, and he thought well of
them— Aye, said Calhoun; but what will the Kentucky, and western Country
newspapers say of them?— This question occasioned a general laugh, in
which Crawford, heartily 427joined. We all knew that
Clay would think well of any thing, which might excite dissatisfaction
with the Administration. It was past four O’Clock when the meeting was
adjourned till to-morrow. Calhoun took me home in his Carriage; and I
walked half an hour before dinner. Johnson
Hellen came to spend some days with us. I wasted the
Evening, by an invincible drowsiness and repugnance to writing. I got
over it between nine and ten, and wrote about half an hour.
r Wirt, who at dinner time went home, and did
not return in the Evening. The question upon Lord Castlereagh’s proposed
modifications to our proposal for abolishing impressment from our
vessels on high seas, was again resumed, and argued with much
earnestness. Crawford
and Wirt adhering to their opinions; Calhoun and I to ours— The President, ultimately found a
middle term upon which he concluded after expressing his regret that he
was obliged to decide between us, equally divided in opinion as we were—
He determined to reject the second modification; first because it
implied that the boarding Officer should have the power of mustering the
crew of the American vessel and passing them individually under his
inspection; and secondly because it implied a suspicion that we should
not faithfully and sincerely carry our own Laws into execution. He would
do nothing to countenance such a distrust. He also should decline
acceding to the proposal that the whole agreement might be cancelled, at
the option of either party, giving three or six Months notice; but would
offer to limit the duration of the Article to a shorter period than the
remainder of the Convention— For he was convinced that if the British
Government once brought themselves to contract the engagement, not to
take men from our ships, though it should be only for a year, they would
never resort to the practice again— They had never before yielded so
far, as in this proposal. They had until now been inflexible in
adherence to the principle of their pretended right to take men from our
ships, and it would be the whole point gained on our part, if we should
once obtain though for ever so short a time an abandonment by them of
the principle. It would come too so soon after the conclusion of the
late War, that in the opinion of our people it would be considered as
having resulted from it. There was a deep anxiety in their minds, from
an apprehension that it would again give rise to War. The British
Ministry could in fact not abandon their pretended right without some
reservation to conciliate the pride, the interest and the feelings of
their nation to the sacrifice— I then suggested the expediency of
proposing that it should be concluded as a separate Article, to be acted
upon by our Senate distinctly from the remainder of the Convention,
which I thought would itself meet with much difficulty in passing
through the Senate, unless there should be additional Articles,
admitting us to the West India trade— I had found upon conversation with
Mr
King when I passed through New-York, that he was averse to
the renewal of the Convention in its present form; and his influence in
the Senate was so considerable, and his knowledge upon commercial
subjects so extensive that I thought his opposition alone would operate
strongly against the Ratification— The stipulation to exclude all
British Seamen from our ships, which would have an immediate and certain
injurious effect upon our commerce, for the distant, possible, but very
uncertain boon of exemption from impressment in the next maritime War,
in which Great-Britain shall be engaged, and we neutral, will be so far
from satisfying our people, 428that the general
impression will be that we have been overreached in Negotiation, and
probably the ratification in the Senate will fail. The President readily
agreed that the stipulation if agreed to should be by a separate
Article; and directed that the limitation of its duration to be proposed
should be four years— And to avoid the immediate shock to our Commerce
by the exclusion of British Seamen from our service, that it should
commence from the first of October 1820.— The next subject taken up, was
the proposal from Lord Castlereagh, that we should join in the measures
recently concerted by Treaties concluded with Spain Portugal and the
Netherlands for abolishing the Slave trade— The general character of
these Treaties is, that the commanders of armed vessels of each of those
Nations, should be authorized to enter and search the merchant vessels
of the other, for slaves and when they find any, to carry the vessel
into the nearest settlement of either of the two Nations, where they
shall be tried by a mixed Court, consisting of a judge from each of the
two Nations and two Arbitrators also one from each Nation, one of whom
to be drawn by lot in each case upon which the two judges should be of
different opinions— These mixed Courts to be authorized to condemn all
slave-trading vessels of either of the two Nations, according to the
penalties of their respective Laws— In the Treaty with the Netherlands
there are some limitations, as to the Seas where this right of search in
time of Peace is to be exercised, but there is one Article formally
admitting that vessels under convoy may be searched as well as others.
Lord Castlereagh by a Note to Mr Rush communicates copies of
these Treaties, inviting the United States, to join in similar
stipulations and expressing the conviction, that the abolition of the
Slave-trade cannot be effectually accomplished, but by granting this
power to the Officers of one Nation, to enter and search the
merchant-vessels of another. The opinion was unanimous, that this
proposal ought not to be acceded to 1. Mr
Wirt thought there was no Constitutional authority, in the Government of
the United States, to establish a Court partly consisting of foreigners,
to sit without the bounds of the United States; and not amenable to
impeachment, for corruption. and he cited the Constitution Article 3.
Sec: l. I thought there was sufficient authority by the Constitution,
and likened it to the joint Commissions which we have had by Treaties
with G. Britain and Spain; and to the Courts of Admiralty which it has
been proposed to establish at Naples, if we could have obtained the
consent of that Government. Mr Wirt pointed
out distinctions between the two cases—between Courts constituted under
the laws of Nations, and Courts to carry into effect our municipal and
penal Statutes. But as the power of making Treaties, is without
limitation in the Constitution, and Treaties are declared to be the
Supreme Law of the Land I still hold to the opinion that there is no
Constitutional difficulty in the way. 2. Another objection was that we
could not establish these Courts with reciprocity, as we have no
possessions on the Coast of Africa. 3. That we have suffered so much
from the practice of foreign Officers to search our vessels in time of
War, particularly by its connection with a British doctrine that after
an Officer has entered for one purpose he may proceed to search for
another, that we ought to be specially cautious not to admit of the
right of search in time of peace. 4. That it is still more obnoxious, as
coupled with the provision that even vessels under convoy, shall be
subjected to it.— But in declining the proposition the President
directed that an offer should be made to stipulate in general terms that
further Laws should be made, if it should be found necessary for
carrying into effectual execution those already enacted for the
prohibition of the traffic by our Citizens—and that a copy of the act of
Congress of the last Session to that effect should be communicated to
the British Government— Upon these general ideas I was directed to draw
up a Letter of Instructions, and it was suggested that we should also
promise that Instructions shall be given to the Commanders of all our
armed vessels to take and bring in for trial, any Slave-trading vessel
under our flag, which they shall meet with upon the high Seas— But upon
question made, it did not appear that the President is now authorized to
give such orders, though he was by the Act of 1807. Finally we recurred
to the reply to be given to Mr Onis’s last proposals for a
Treaty— What claims of the Citizens of the United States, should we
undertake to assume? how should they be limited? Should the lands in the
territories to be ceded, be pledged as the fund from which the payment
of the claims shall be made, or shall they be generally assumed to a
specified 429amount? To ascertain the validity of
the claims and their amount, should a Commission be instituted joint
American and Spanish; or American alone, the United States giving a
discharge in full to Spain for all the claims? These questions were all
amply discussed, and I was directed to make a further addition to my
draft of a Note to Mr Onis— It was resolved
to give a discharge for all claims which have been till the date of the
Treaty presented at the department of State, or to the American Minister in Spain— That the
United States will pay them to the amount of five Millions of Dollars;
and that a Commission shall be appointed, of three persons, all
American, to pass, upon the claims— About nine in the Evening the
meeting finished, and we walked home— I had received by the Mail two
Letters relating to the state of my dear Mother, both dated last Monday— One from Harriet Welsh—only three lines;
closing with “We have yet hopes— Another Letter on Wednesday”— The other
from De Grand; who had been out
to Quincy the day before— He says, [“]your Mother is quite sick—your
venerable father bears it with a
considerable degree of fortitude”— These are ominous words— I am
endeavouring to prepare my mind for submission to the divine Will— Might
this cup, Oh! God, but pass from me!—
r Daniel Brent was here this
morning; and a man who calls himself Estifano, Captain of a privateer under a Commission of
Buenos-Ayres, called the General San Martin; but by his Speech he is
evidently an American of our own Country. His crew ran away with his
vessel from a West-India Island, and took her into Savannah, where she
was seized and libell’d in the Admiralty Court at his own request; he
now wants her released, and had written me two Letters to that effect—
He came this morning, first to my house, and afterwards to the Office; I
found upon enquiry that the order for the seizure of the vessel had been
sent from the Treasury, and to that Department referred Mr Estifano— I was at the Metropolis Bank,
filled up my Stock there, and took a Certificate for it as filled up. At
the President’s and read to him
the additional paragraphs that I had prepared in the draft of my Letter
to Onis, according to the
determinations of last Evening— I had mistaken one of the points, and
after calling upon Mr Calhoun, whose recollection agreed with that
of the President, I struck it out. I gave the draft then to Mr Brent to be copied off this Evening if
possible and sent to Mr Onis. The President
read me a paper he is preparing to send to Captain Hall’s second Court Martial, together with the
opinion of the Attorney General—
He assigns various reasons for disapproving their decision, and the
first is that the order to try Hall was a military order, which the
Court were bound to obey, and they were not competent to disclaim their
own jurisdiction. Another that the trial by the first Court-Martial,
having been disapproved by the President was no trial at all: and
therefore that the reference to the second Court Martial, was not trying
him a second time for the same offence— I remarked to the President that
Storrow in his Speech to the
second Court-Martial, and that Court itself had assumed the direct
contrary to this first reason, as a principle—namely that the judicial
character of a Court-Martial, necessarily absolves its members quo-adhoc
from the military principle of unqualified obedience— The abstract
argument, and the argument of analogy from the powers of other judicial
Courts, seemed to be with them— If there was express authority on the
other side, it would be decisive— I was not sufficiently versed in the
writers upon Court-Martials to know how it was. He said he thought it
was a rule settled by express authority as well as by general practice;
but he did not recollect any particular case in which it was settled— I
said as to the other reason, the difficulty appeared to me to be—that if
a sentence of conviction, when disapproved by the President was no trial
at all, I could not see how a sentence of acquittal, if disapproved
should be a trial— The argument of nullity applies as much to an
acquittal disapproved as to a conviction disapproved; and if to an
acquittal, then the 87th. Article of War is
so far nugatory that an Officer might be acquitted ten times over by as
many 430successive Courts-Martial, and yet be said
never to have had any trial at all. The President said that in practice,
a sentence of acquittal is never disapproved; and if the President
should abuse his power for the oppression of any individual he would be
impeachable for it— I said that perhaps it would be more prudent to
avoid the collision with the pride and temper of Officers whose opinions
were already committed, to send the case to a third Court Martial,
different from either of the others, and if they should ultimately take
the same ground as the last, it might be referred to Congress for an
amendment, or explanation of the Law— He said he would consider whether
he should not do that at once; or if not, whether he should not
institute a special board of Officers to report upon the questions— I
told him there could be no possible doubt of the purity, humanity and
equity of the motives, which had dictated the course pursued in this
individual case. But the principles involved in it were important and
serious. I disapproved the tone and Spirit of Storrow’s speech; but I
separated them from the argument in it; and I thought it desirable to
pursue a course which should avoid such a collision with the Officers of
the Court as would drive them to resign; or make it necessary to break
them— He said he wished much to avoid that collision; as he had a good
opinion of the Officers; particularly of Eustis and Atkinson with whom he was personally acquainted— But
something must be done for Hall, who though a hightempered and violent
man had behaved very well during the War—had been strongly recommended
by General Gaine’s, and was
thought to have been persecuted by the partizans of General Brown in the Army, because he
had been an Aid de Camp of Ripley’s— I staid this day, but a short time at the
Office— I received a letter from my Son Charles with a Postscript from John dated last Monday telling me but too plainly what
Harriet Welsh and De Grand left me to infer. It is this
day but one month since I left my Mother in good health— At this moment I have probably no
Mother on earth! Gracious God! support my father in this deep and irreparable affliction! Support
and comfort her children! and prepare us all to rejoin her Society in
the abodes of the blest!— I came home early, and took an hour’s walk,
filled with painful, and bitter reflections— Mrs W. S.
Smith dined with us, and I spent the Evening in
writing.
Day.
