John Quincy Adams Diary Digital Project

adams-john10
1 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanRoads
405 October 1818

1. VI: Thursday. Seventh and last sitting to Stewart. He at first told me he should want only four sittings, from an hour and a half to two hours each. I sat this Morning before Breakfast, and he finished the head. From Breakfast time till one O’clock there was a continual succession of visitors, among whom were B. Austin, J. Brazier, J. Waters, De Grand, Orne, and a Mr a ropemaker who complained of ill-usage from the Commissioners of the Navy— We took a collation at 12. O’Clock, and our Son Charles came and took leave of us. John came to the door, but to avoid a parting went away without seeing us. At one O’Clock the Mail-Stage came and took us up and between eight and nine in the Evening we arrived at Worcester, now less than forty miles from Boston, by the turnpike over which we travelled. By the former road it was 48. We had several fellow passengers from Boston, among whom was Mr Jos. Baxter junr. who was going to Alexandria, and who proceeded from Worcester in the Stage this Evening; a younger son of T. Bigelow the Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and a young man named Seaver in whom I recognized a strong likeness of my Classmate John Seaver, and whom I took for a Son of his brother William Seaver. They were only coming to Worcester, where Seaver’s father resided— We lodge at Sikes’s tavern— We saw the Moon, just after Sunset, this being only its second day.

2 October 1818
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2. VI: Made up a packet of papers and despatches belonging to the Department of State, which I enclosed to Mr D. Brent and left at the Post Office. Mr Levi Lincoln formerly Attorney-General of the United States, and afterwards Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts came and paid us a visit, and offered us many civilities. He resides upon his farm here, entirely retired from public life; and has been some years nearly blind— Was couched for Cataracts in both eyes, by which he lost altogether the sight of one, but recovered that of the other— He told me again that he had been directed to the profession of the Law, by hearing while he was at College, my father argue a Cause at Boston. The Stage which left Boston at two O’Clock this Morning reached Worcester at ten, and we took passage in it— we dined at Brookfield; and after being detained nearly an hour at Belchertown, arrived at half past nine in the Evening at Lyman’s tavern Northampton. The Stage and horses at Belchertown has been used by militia-Officers for a training day six Miles off, and had not returned when we came to the Stage 406house, which was the occasion of our being delayed. The distance from Worcester to Northampton is or was fifty two Miles. We had only one fellow-traveller in the Stage— He had come with it from Boston this Morning and left it at Northampton; apparently much overcome all day with fatigue— The whole road is mountainous, and rocky, but the roads as good as in such countries they can be. Great part of it is covered with wood—Oak, Birch, and Chestnut. The cleared land apparently not fertile; generally pasturage, with some poor, thin looking Indian Corn. very few settlements on the road, and no symptoms of increasing population. We lodge at Lyman’s.

3 October 1818
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3. IV: The usual hour of the Stage’s starting from Northampton is two o’clock in the morning, but our driver who had been overplied at yesterday’s training overslept himself this morning, and the clock struck four as we left the house. We saw of course nothing of Northampton— It sprinkled with rain when we entered the Stage, and continued to rain in a succession of heavy showers till noon when the sky cleared up, and the Evening was fair. On leaving Northampton we had the Stage to ourselves, but took in passengers at several places and arrived at Albany, at half past eight this Evening with a full carriage— Mrs Adams was extremely ill, all the morning; and I thought we should have been under the necessity of stopping at some house on the road, and waiting for the next Stage which will not pass through till Tuesday— We breakfasted at Chesterfield— At Peru the next Stage Mrs Adams was most ill— at Pittsfield I procured a vial of landanum of which she took 25 drops, and was much relieved. It is surely the Nepenthe of the wife of Thone. About nine miles beyond Pittsfield, we entered the State of New-York, at the village of Lebanon where there are hot Springs, frequented by valetudinarians— This circumstance has given it and the country around it a more flourishing appearance than its vicinity within the State of Massachusetts can boast. We dined at Nassau about nine miles within the New York line but owing to the tardiness of our morning driver, we were belated for dinner till five in the afternoon— Our road was still more mountainous than yesterday, and we walked up part of Snake hill, which is upwards of two Miles long. The boundary between the two States is strongly marked in the difference between the Styles of building of their dwelling houses— Those of New-York generally cover more ground and are lower, having but one Story, while those of Massachusetts have two, at least in front—with a long sloping roof in the rear. The New-York houses have also a sheltered porch or viranda extending along the whole front and sometimes also on the sides, indicating the approach to a warmer climate. Among the Passengers whom we took in at Pittsfield was a young man whose name we found was Larned, and that he was going to New-Orleans— I took him for a trading-person, but Mrs Adams with more sagacity concluded from his dress, and deportment, and from his reproving a Black man whom he heard swearing, that he was a clergyman. At his recommendation we came to the Mansion House Hotel, instead of the Eagle tavern to which we were at first driven.

4 October 1818
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4. VI: I was writing this morning in the parlour which had been given to us, when a young woman came in to the room with a stout boy three years old by the hand— I did not know her, until she enquired if I was Mr Adams, and on my answering that I was, she immediately said “I am your Niece,” and I recognized my brother Charles’s second daughter Abigail now the wife of Alexr. B. Johnson of Utica in this State of New-York. The boy was her son. They came in last Evening from Utica, and are now going to pay a visit to my Parents at Quincy. The boy is named John Adams after my father. I soon became acquainted with Mr Johnson, and we went together to Church— After some enquiries for the principal preachers of the place, Cummings, Stansbury and Chester, neither of whom officiated, we went in the Morning to the first, and in the afternoon to the second Dutch Church; so called from their having been originally dutch; but the services are now all in English. We were recommended in the morning to the first dutch Church to hear its pastor Mr De Witt, by a worthy Citizen whom we met in the street and who assured us that Mr de Witt was a pupil of Dr Mason’s of New-York, and that he was the greatest preacher in Albany. But it was not Mr de Witt whom we heard; it was Mr Larned, the young man who had travelled with us yesterday in the Stage from Pittsfield— His Sermon was upon the atonement, according to the doctrines usually denominated calvinistic. He preached without notes, and in a style of eloquence with which I was much gratified— His manner was fervent, yet chaste— His delivery animated, without affectation, his language pure, elegant and ornamented with imagery, his pronunciation studiously correct; his reasoning as close and sound as the doctrines he inculcated would admit, and 407his appeals to the feelings suitably pathetic. I came out from hearing him, not a convert to his creed, but quite an admirer of his oratory. At the second Dutch church, after dinner we heard a discourse much of the same cast of opinions, but not recommended by the same graces. I did not retain the preacher’s name— In the Evening I went again, with the Ladies to Mr Stansbury’s Church, and heard Mr Larned a second time— The house was very much crowded— The discourse was upon the propitiatory sacrifice of Christ, and was in some parts higher wrought, and in others less elaborate than that of the morning— This attendance three times at Church very fully occupied the day, so that I found scarcely an hour for writing.— Between the Morning Meeting and dinner I went with Mr Johnson on board the Steam-Boat Paragon; and we engaged our passages down the North-river to Newburgh to-morrow— On board the boat, I met among the attendants, an old acquaintance, James Felt, an English cabin boy, on board the Washington, when we came in her from England. Mr and Mrs Johnson came here intending to go to Boston and Quincy by land, by the same way that we came; but we have persuaded them to go with us down the North-River, and proceed by the Connecticut Steam-boat from New-York.

5 October 1818
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5. VI: Early this Morning Captain Stuart called upon me, and with much civility gave us an invitation to stay at his house; a sufficient reason for declining which was, that we were going immediately after breakfast on board the Steam-boat. This person went to England in the character of Secretary to Coll: Aspinwall the American Consul at London and was with him there about a year in that capacity. Unfavourable stories are told of him, I believe with too much foundation. Having this Morning an hour unoccupied I strolled through the principal street of Albany, which was originally a dutch settlement, and still contains many houses built after the old dutch fashion, and which give the street a resemblance to those of Haarlem or Leyden. Johnson says some of them are of bricks brought from Holland. At ten O’Clock we embarked in the Steamboat Paragon, and immediately left the wharf. Among the Passengers were General Peter B. Porter with whom I had began the Journey from Washington, upon which I am now returning, and Mr Larned, the eloquent preacher, who joined us in the Stage at Pittsfield, and whom I yesterday heard preach twice at Albany— There was also an Officer of the Marine corps, just from Sacket’s harbour, going to Washington, to settle his Accounts— I did not learn his name; but he entered into conversation with me; complained bitterly of the smallness of his pay, and of some question made against him with regard to the settlement of his accounts. He spoke of some invention which he had introduced for discharging a volley of musketry, by the operation of one hand, and said he had an anonymous invitation which he believed had been transmitted to him through William Duane, to enter the service of the South-Americans, with great offers of pay and the rank of Colonel. He spoke of himself as undetermined whether to accept or decline these offers, and hinted that it would depend upon the facility or difficulty that he might find in the adjustment of his Accounts at Washington. He seemed to be desirous of drawing an opinion or advice from me without asking it; if this was his desire, it was not gratified. Another passenger was an old, pimple-faced, purple-nosed, spectacled, brogue-talking, noisy Irishman, named Colwell, who came drunk on board, became about half sober in the course of the day, and more drunk, noisy and disgusting at Night than he had been in the Morning. I was told he was a very respectable, and most hospitable inhabitant of Albany; a very useful and wealthy manufacturer, but of eccentric temper, and habits of beastly drunkenness. These he exhibited to the extent of becoming a nuisance to the boat. The day was overcast with occasional rain; and so chilly that we passed great part of the time in the Cabins. I saw however the general aspect of the river as we descended until Night came on. The Banks are generally high, in many places steep, and covered with wood— The settlements are not numerous, nor very considerable. The Estates and houses of several persons of the Livingstone family are distinguishable 408near Hudson. I found no opportunity either for writing or reading; but played several games of chess with a Mr Billings, a lawyer, who like us was to leave the boat at Newburgh. At the request of several of the Passengers, Mr Larned preached a Sermon in the after Cabin, in the Evening, and went through the usual forms of divine service according to the presbyterian forms— Two Prayers, thrice Psalm singing, and a Sermon— The discourse was from 1. John V.10. He that believeth on the Son of God, hath the witness in himself, altogether extemporaneous; with less mark of preparation than those which I had heard from him yesterday, but delivered with equal fluency, and language equally correct. The Sentiments also were of the same kind, dwelling always upon the indispensable necessity and efficacy of faith. It was just midnight when we reached Newburgh, where we landed, with Mr and Mrs Johnson and their child. It was sometime before we could rouse the Servants and get in at the Hotel kept by Major Hunt and belonging to Mr de Wint. The distance from Albany to Newburgh, is one hundred Miles.

6 October 1818
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6. VI:30. We intended to cross the river, early this morning, but I was detained by visitors— Mr Ross an active and distinguished member of the Senate of this State, General Belknap, a Major-General of the Militia, President of the Bank of Newburgh, and as my Landlord, Major Hunt, an old revolutionary Officer described him, a man of many offices; Mr Case, the member of the next Congress, elect, for this district, and Doctor Rosa, who according to his own statement to me, an old Officer of the Revolution. Mr Ross was the only one of these Gentlemen who manifested a disposition to enter deeply into political conversation, and he immediately came to complaints that the dispositions of the People of this State, were much misunderstood and misrepresented in other States; and that the principles and conduct of Mr De Witt Clinton, the present Governor of the State were also misunderstood— He had very erroneously been supposed to be in opposition to the present administration, and to the late war, with Great Britain— Mr Ross said he had taken very particular pains to inform himself on these subjects— That Mr Clinton was not opposed to the present Administration, nor had he been to the late War, excepting that he had not approved the time when it was declared, as we were not in a state of preparation for it— Ross said that he himself in the Senate of New-York, had supported all the most vigorous measures for carrying on the War— and had been altogether opposed to Mr Clinton’s being set up as a candidate for the Presidency, against Mr Madison in 1812. though after it had been determined to run an electoral ticket in his favour, in consideration of the interest of the State he had voted for it— As this Gentleman was a total stranger to me, never having heard so much as his name mentioned before, it seemed to me something strange that he should thus commence our acquaintance by this apologetic defence of De Witt Clinton, and this explanation of his own inconsistency. It was however one among many proofs of the fact that Clinton has had the address to concentrate all the political feelings of this state in his own person; and that the parties in it consist only of his friends or opponents— It is questionable whether any individual has accomplished this to the same extent; and is indicative at once of his talents and of the manner in which he has employed them. The other Gentlemen took no share in the communicative humour of Mr Ross, not even to relieve him from the embarrassment under which he seemed to labour, from a foolish pamphlet, as he called it, published during the war, by a Mr Southwick, and other friends of Mr Clinton, against the War— I did not enter much into the Spirit of Mr Ross’s discourse; but spoke in respectful terms of Mr Clinton’s character— Possibly Ross may have thought that I was traveling into New-York, for political objects, and that it was necessary for him to be explicit upon the score of his Clintonianism at once— His partizans in the Newspapers as well as those of Mr Clay have pitted their patrons respectively against me, from the mere terror of my standing in the way of their ambitious views. A coalition between those two parties has already been formed, more than sufficient of itself to discard me from the list of their rivals; utterly averse as I am to every thing in the shape of political intrigue, for the purposes of personal advancement, and utterly unqualified as I am for it— Doctor Rosa introduced himself to me as an old revolutionary character, and one of only three, now remaining at Newburgh. While I was with these Gentlemen, Mr De Wint came over the river to meet us, and we returned with him, in his own horse-boat, to his house, Cedar Grove, Fishkill-landing. Judge Verplanck, whom I knew formerly as a member of Congress was with him; and with his family, dined and spent the Evening with us at his house. They are neighbours, and the most friendly intimacy subsists between the two families. 409There was also at dinner, Mr Christie of New-York, whom about three years since I had seen in England, where he brought me a Letter of recommendation from Mr Gallatin. John Peter de Wint is a native of the City of New-York, as was his father— His mother was born at St. Eustatius, and married in the Island of St. Croix. She has been many years a widow, and this Estate upon which they all live together belongs to her. There are living with them two young women named Smalz, and one named den Yfel—relations of the family— De Wint married in 1814 Caroline Amelia Smith, my Sister’s only daughter, and they have two daughters. De Wint’s family both by father and mother originated from Holland.

7 October 1818
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7. VI:30. Mr de Wint made up a party for us, and we went in a small packet Sloop, to West Point, distant nine Miles from Fish-kill landing. The party consisted of Mr and Mrs de Wint, Mr and Mrs Johnson, with their boy John Adams Johnson, one Miss Smalz and Miss den Yfel, a son of Judge Verplanck’s, and a young man named Fenno. Mrs Adams, Mary Hellen and myself— We left the wharf about ten O’Clock, and the weather being fine, and almost calm we were nearly three hours in descending the river till we landed at West-Point. We had therefore ample leisure to view the celebrated passes of the Highlands. Their elevation on both sides the river is between 1300 and 1700 feet; of course not very lofty Mountains—high enough however, to give the country a picturesque appearance of wild grandeur. The hills are steep from the edge of the river and covered with wood— There is a clear and strong echo in the passage on the river between the hills, which answered to the horn blown by one of our men in the sloop, with pleasing effect. one of the hills is shaped so as to exhibit with some assistance from the imagination, the form of a gigantic human face in profile. Another has the form, and bears the name of a sugar loaf. On landing at West-Point, de Wint went and bespoke a dinner for us at the Inn; while the rest of us stroll’d up one of the hills to view the prospect around, and the ruins of an old fort upon the brow of one of them. Mrs Adams, Johnson with his boy and myself lost of our way, and I went to the top of a hill nearly double the height of the fort we were seeking. After some time and search we found de Wint who was also in search of us, and went to the fort, from which the prospect is pleasant, but not very extensive. We descended and dined at the Inn, and immediately after dinner, met there, old Colonel Talmadge, formerly a member of Congress from Connecticut; his Son Coll: Talmadge, who served in the late war, and whom I knew two years ago, in England, and another Son, now a Cadet at the Academy at West Point. We called on Major Thayer who is at the head of this Military Academy. He was not at his house, but we met him at the public building of the Academy, containing the Library; the collection of Maps and the apparatus for the lectures in natural and experimental philosophy; all of which he shewed us, together with Captain Lenox, whom he introduced to me. The library of twelve hundred volumes was chiefly collected in Europe, by Major Thayer himself; as were the maps, many of which are very good. There are now he told me two hundred and twenty Cadets at the Academy, upwards of one hundred having been admitted this Summer. The establishment can accommodate not more than 270. Their exercises literary, and recitations, are in the morning, and accordingly I could not witness them; but we saw numbers of them in Platoons, before the buildings, drilled by the Cadets of older standing— About five in the afternoon we embarked again in our Sloop, and returned with a beautiful, mild and calm Evening to Fish-kill landing. We saw the purple tint of the Sunbeams lingering on the tops of the Mountains, and heard by Moon-light the distant echo of the horns blown from a boat upon the river in the passage between them. About seven in the Evening we landed at the wharf from which we had this morning departed— Mr and Mrs Johnson there left us—and crossed the river to Newburgh, whence they proceed with the Steam-boat which comes 410this day from Albany, down to New-York. The rest of us returned to Cedar grove, where we found judge Verplanck, and Mr Peter de Wint, a Cousin of John Peter’s and an inmate of the family. Some of the younger part of our party went to a Ball this Evening at Fish-kill— We endeavoured to persuade Johnson to stay, till to-morrow Night, and then go on with us; but he could not have stayed without missing the Steam-boat of Friday Morning from New-York to Norwich, which would have delayed him three days at New-York, till next Monday. Johnson’s child is the most extraordinary boy, at three years of age that I ever saw; but is indulged by his father to such an excess that he is extremely troublesome— He talks incessantly, though his articulation is yet defective; and has a quick power of observation and retentive memory, loaded with senseless and stupid words which have been taught him as jokes, and which he repeats with rudeness— His temper is good and his great danger is of being ruined by Mismanagement— His father is nevertheless a sedate, sensible and apparently discreet man. His mother now not more than twenty appears also of a grave and judicious character, and less disposed to spoil the child than her husband.

8 October 1818
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8. VI:15. Immediately after breakfast Mrs Adams and I took a ride with Mr and Mrs De Wint to one of the mountains in the neighbourhood, which we ascended partly in a light uncovered waggon, and the rest on foot, to the summit called Solomon’s Barracks, which is surmounted by a flag-staff. The prospect from it is extensive, although several of the hills in the vicinity are higher— I extract from a newspaper a statement of the height of all the principal elevations on Hudson river, said to have been calculated by Captain Partridge.— Catskill-Mountains. Round top. 3105 feet. High Peak 3019.— Highlands—New Beacon 1585 Butter Hill 1529. Bull-Hill 1484. Old Beacon 1471. Crow’s Nest 1418. Brave-Mount 1350 Break-Neck. 1187. Anthony’s Nose. 935. Sugar-loaf 866. Fort Putnam 598. West-Point Plain 188— Below New-York—Hempstead Harbour Hill 319. Staten-Island 307 Neversink heights 282. but I think they must be much higher. Returning from the hills we stopped at the manufactory of cotton cloths at their foot. Mr Schenk formerly a member of Congress, is the manager and part owner of them, and shewed us the various machinery for carding spinning and weaving used by them— generally the same that I had seen at Alexandrofsky, and at Ghent— These works are carried on by Water-Mills and they make no use of the Steam-Engine— We had intended to proceed to New-York in the Steam-boat from Albany, which will pass by Newburgh this Evening; but finally concluded to postpone our departure till to-morrow morning, when a Steam-boat direct from Newburgh goes to New-York. We dined with all the De Wint family at judge Verplanck’s, where we met his father, an old man upwards of four-score of very singular habits and opinions. We found him standing at the table in the dining room, when we went from the parlour in to dinner; and he left the table and withdrew immediately after dinner— We saw no more of him. There was also of the party a Mr Bunner; a lawyer who resides at Newburgh, and who some years since married a Miss Church; the second daughter of the late John Barker Church. Bunner is a lively, social man of pleasant manners and agreeable conversation— We sat some time at table, after the Ladies retired; discussing the propriety of that usage— Mr Bunner accompanied us in the Evening, when we returned to Mr De Wint’s.

9 October 1818
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9. VI: We took leave this morning of Mr de Wint, and his family; and at eight O’Clock, were taken up, at Fishkill landing, by the Steam-boat Fire-fly, Captain Griswold, from Newburgh, in which we descended the river, to New-York— The distance is seventy miles, and the weather being remarkably fine and warm, I passed the whole day upon the deck— The Scenery on the banks of the river is similar to that between Albany and Newburgh. The banks of the river on both sides generally high, steep, and covered with woods— Few settlements at the landings, and not one remarkable Country-seat visible till within five miles of New-York— West Point, and its neighbourhood were the Scene of Arnold’s treachery, in the American revolutionary war; and Captain Griswold pointed out to me several of the places which were critical in that transaction such as the Point, from which he took boat to go on board the Vulture, Sloop of War— The spot where Andre was stopped in his progress to New-York, by the three Militia-men Paulding, Van Wert and Williams— Arnold’s Head-Quarters at Robinson’s house the landing where Andre was taken across the river, and the road to Tappan where he was tried and executed. The position upon the river where the Vulture lay, and the sites of other incidents in that Tragedy which the traditional memory of the Country has treasured up. The point of Arnold’s embarkation goes by the name of Traitor’s Point. The Captain had Joshua Hall Smith’s narrative of that affair, which was published in 1809. and I read it over again, in the course of the day. Smith was a Tory, whom Arnold employed to accomplish his purpose: 411without disclosing to him his secret— It was he that went on board the Vulture, and brought Andre on shore to the interview with Arnold. It was a coat of Smith’s that André wore as a disguise, upon his return and Smith accompanied him back to within a few miles of where he was taken— From the Account in Smith’s book it appears that he was tried himself by a Court-Martial, and was afterwards kept two years in close prison until he made his escape. Yet he was suspected on the British side of having betrayed Andre and caused his being taken. He professes to publish this book for his vindication. — It was eight in the Evening when we reached New-York— Miss Smalz, and Mr Chrystie with his Mother came down the river with us. We took lodgings for the Night, at the City Hotel in Broadway.

10 October 1818
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10. VI: This was one of the few Morning’s since I have been on this journey, when I have been enabled to write a couple of hours. After breakfast I called upon W. S. Clarkson at his Bank, and upon Mr M’Cormick at his house— Pitcairn sailed about ten days since for Europe— At our Hotel I saw again Coll. Talmadge the younger whom we had met at West-Point; and Trumbull the Painter, whose Picture of the Declaration of Independence is now exhibited at New-York. He wishes also to have it exhibited at Boston and at Philadelphia, before sending it on to Washington; and asked me, if he could expect the President’s permission to that effect— I knew not of any objection, and agreed that he should take the President’s consent for granted, unless he should hear from me to the contrary, hereafter— Between twelve and One, at Noon, we embarked in the Vice-President’s Steam-Boat Nautilus, at White Hall: landed in an hour at Staten-Island where we took the Post-Chaise in which we crossed the Island; then passed in a Horse-Boat to the Jersey shore and rode four Miles further to Woodbridge. The passengers were so numerous that there were two carriages, each laden with eleven persons, and the dinner table prepared at Woodbridge allowed seats for no more than fourteen or fifteen. I therefore went on without dining, which in traveling by land is the most convenient and pleasant way of getting through the day. We proceeded from Woodbridge 18 Miles to New Brunswick, 16. to Princeton, and 10 to Trenton, where we arrived at ten in the Evening— Our companions in the Stage were not agreeable, nor conversible, with us, and in the other Carriage, associates with us at the Inns, were three drunken common Sailors. At Trenton we obtained one bed-chamber for us of my family; but the Supper table was again so full that no seats at it were left for us, and after an hour and a half of solicitation and intreaty to have tea and supper taken up to our chamber, I was obliged to give up the pursuit, and we all lost our Supper, as I had lost my dinner. A more important and mortifying loss to me was that of my temper, and I suffered myself to be so far irritated and ruffled that after retiring to bed I lay great part of the Night sleepless; and heard the grating sound of the Midnight and Morning Clock.

11 October 1818
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11. IV. At this hour we were roused to continue our Journey; I had scarcely been asleep; but the driver of one of our Carriages overslept himself so that we had nearly two hours to wait for him— It was near six when we started from Trenton, but we reached Bristol soon after seven— It is a stage of ten Miles. There we breakfasted and then proceeded in the Steam-boat Pennsylvania, with a high-pressure engine to Philadelphia— We were little more than two hours in traversing the twenty-miles, and landed at the lower Market Street wharf soon after ten in the Morning— We took a hack, and went to the mansion house, Renshaw’s where they were full, and could not receive us—then to Mrs Frazier’s; then to Judd’s Hotel—all full— At last we found apartments at Miss Shinn’s— N. 30. North third Street— Soon after alighting, I walked out to call upon J. Connell, but before reaching his house I met him in the Street. He returned with me to my lodgings—came again in the afternoon and accompanied us to the Roman Catholic Church of t. Augustine where we heard vespers chanted, and, in the Evening, when I went with him to the Baptist Church, with the expectation of hearing Dr Staughton its Minister, but heard instead of him a Dr Skinner, a Presbyterian—reputed to be very violent and furious, 412but whom I did not find so. His doctrines were those of the Presbyterians generally. Much the same as those preached by Mr Larned. But he is not so eloquent—and he read his Sermon. The Church was crowded. Mr W. Jones, President of the Bank of the United States, and his Lady paid us visits this Evening, and invited us to dinner to-morrow— At dinner this day we met several gentlemen as boarders at the house— Mr Wright, a New Englandman; Captain Stith, a Virginian, a Dr Tracy, and an Irishman, who discussed among them the merits of the Clergyman, Skinner, whom I heard this Evening.

12 October 1818
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12. VII:15. I had several small affairs of private business to transact, at the Bank of the United States: at the Office of the permanent Schuylkill Bridge Company, kept by Israel Whalen, in North fourth Street, and with a Mr Allibone, for whom I called at Milner and Richards’s, corner of Nine and third Streets. I also called upon M’Euen, Hale and Davidson, intending to put all the Schuylkill Bridge Shares into their hands to be disposed of; but finding them, at more than ten per Cent under par, although they still yield an income of six per Cent, I determined to keep them somewhat longer.— Visited at S. Ewing’s and J. Sergeant’s. Met in the Street W. Meredith, and Commodore’s Decatur and Perry, who was yesterday from Washington, and told me the President was expected there this day— Received visits from R. Walsh, J. Vaughan who brought me the third volume of Dr Franklin’s Memoirs, which he had taken from the Custom-house, and which had been sent me by Mr Temple Franklin, the Editor— J. Connell, J. Sergeant and his brother, whom I saw, Mr Daschkoff the Russian and Mr Greuhm the Prussian Minister had called while I was out— Also Mr C. J. Ingersoll, G. M. Dallas, R. Bache, Mrs Dallas and Mrs Bache &c. We dined and spent the Evening at Mr W. Jones’s; the President of the Bank of the United States. Ingersoll, Dallas and Connell were there, and some other company with whom I was unacquainted— I was not satisfied with myself this day, having talked too much at dinner— I never take a large share in conversation, without saying things which I afterwards wish were unsaid— Yet in the estimation of others, I pass off, on the whole better when I talk freely, than when silent and reserved— This sometimes stimulates me to talk more than is wise or proper, and to give to the conversation of mixed companies, a tone of discussion which becomes irksome and tedious. Nor can I always, (I did not this day) altogether avoid a dogmatical and peremptory tone and manner, always disgusting, and especially offensive in persons, to whose age or situation others consider some deference due.

13 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanFamily Finances (Adams Family)African AmericansColonization MovementsScience and TechnologySteam Power
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13. V: Rising just at daylight, and before I could see distinctly to write or read, I walked out, and went down to the upper Market Street wharf, to enquire for the Steam Boat AEtna, on board of which I had left my Umbrella, when we were going on to Quincy— I found the hours of her departure and arrival had been changed, and that she would come in from Bordentown at ten O’clock. Returned to our lodgings, but found little time for writing. Mr Allibone called, and I settled with him the Account for my Mother— This was the day of the general election, and Allibone, who said he was a federalist, added that for the first time a coalition had been formed between the federalists, and the Old school democrats; and that the federalists had agreed to vote for M. Leib, as a Senator in the State Legislature— Leib had always been a man, not only extremely obnoxious to the federalists, but there were imputations upon his private character which they had always held up as a reproach and infamy to the party supporting— Yet so flexible is their own moral purity that they now vote for this man themselves— Allibone said it might be good policy; but he doubted whether he could reconcile it to his principles. Mr Perkins came and asked me to call at his work-shop and look at his machinery for engraving Steel-plates for Bank-Bills. At Breakfast there was with the other Boarders a Mr Clapiers, a Frenchman, brother of one of the same name whom we saw in Russia. He told me that Barthe was dead— At nine O’Clock Mr Vaughan called and I went with him to the apartment of the American philosophical Society. He shewed me a collection of maps of America, published within these two years at Paris; coloured apparently with a view to confine the territories of the United States within the narrowest limits left them by the pretensions of all or any other Power whatever—distributing the whole western Coast of America, between Spain, Russia and Great Britain— Bordering us upon Spain to the South at the line from the Mennentao to Natchitoches, and stopping us Westward at the Rocky Mountains. At this apartment I met Mr Duponceau, Professor Pearson of Andover, and Mr. John Winthrop; the same 413I had seen last year in England. Mr Vaughan lent me from the Books of the Society the third narrative of La Salle’s discoveries, by father Hennepin—the other two being at the Library of Congress at Washington— I went to Perkins and saw his machinery, and his copperplates taken by pressure from Steel-plates. The invention is ingenious, and must be effectual to preserve Bank-Bills from being forged, so far as relates to the engraved parts— The imitation appears to be scarcely possible. I met there Mr Charles Harrod, brother of Mrs T. B. Adams, and settled at New-Orleans— On returning to my lodgings I found there Mr Prince Sanders the black man; who has returned from his establishments in the kingdom of king Henry of Haÿti. I asked him if he intended to return thither, to which he did not think proper to give a direct answer; but said if he did it would be contrary to the advice of his friends. He appeared to be labouring however with the project of colonizing Hayti from the free people of colour in the United States. He admitted that the Government of King Henry was of rather an arbitrary character, and in respect to personal liberty and security was susceptible of some improvements. He spoke however very guardedly and with great reserve. I gave him my opinion of king Henry’s government very freely. Our conversation was interrupted by the arrival of the hour for my departure— At Noon we embarked in the Steam-boat Superior, Captain Milnor for Wilmington; being the line of Steamboats and Stages, in opposition to that of Newcastle and Frenchtown, which we took in going Eastward. The weather was rainy, with a heavy gale of wind. We dined on board the Steam-boat; arrived at Wilmington by four in the afternoon, and proceeded immediately in Post-Chaises to the head of Elk, 20 Miles; where we arrived between seven and eight in the Evening. We immediately embarked in the Steamboat Eagle; where I unexpectedly met the Spanish Minister Onis and his family, returning like ourselves to Washington. The violence of the gale had abated, but there was still a heavy swell in Chesapeake Bay, and the Evening was so damp and chill that we were chiefly confined to the Cabins. The births were for the most part engaged when we came on board; but the Captain gave me his own State-Room. About ten, I retired to bed, but not to sleep.

14 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanFamily Residences (Adams Family)DuelingRoads
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14. III:30.Washington. Our passage from Elkton to Baltimore was very rapid; for at half past three O’Clock in the Morning we were along side of the wharf. The opposition line has abridged nearly by one half the time of performing the Journey between Philadelphia and Baltimore—for last year I left Philadelphia at Noon and reached Baltimore the next day at five in the afternoon—29. hours. but now, leaving Philadelphia, at the same hour of Noon, we reached Baltimore, between three and four O’Clock the next Morning; less than sixteen hours. After waiting in the Boat till near five O’Clock, we walked up to Gadsby’s tavern, and were three hours in ascertaining whether we could have a room there— The house being upon our arrival entirely full. Mrs Adams had written from New-York, directing that our Coachman Harry should come with our light Coaches to Baltimore, to be there last Evening. We found he had not arrived; and supposing either that the Letter had not been received; or that some accident had prevented the Carriage from arriving, I was engaging Seats for us all in the eight O’Clock Stage; when Harry came in with our Horses and Carriage. The bad weather of yesterday had made such heavy roads, that he had broken the Pole, and a glass of the Carriage, and had been obliged to travel all night to reach Baltimore thus early this morning. I took Seats therefore in the Stage, only for myself and Philip, and left Mrs Adams and Mary Hellen to come on in our own Carriage this afternoon or to-morrow. Judge Johnson of South Carolina, with his Sister and daughter, were leaving Gadsby’s house, and left a vacant chamber for Mrs Adams. We met at Baltimore, Mr Roth, Secretary to the French legation, just embarking for France, on a leave of absence. ten Cate, the late Dutch Charge d’Affaires he told us had been with him and intended to embark with him; but yesterday suddenly went off for New-York, he believed to fight a duel, with Mr Willink, a Dutchman 414who had been the occasion of ten Cate’s being recalled, and had affronted him, by paying a Bill of Exchange, drawn by ten Cate, and which had come back protested; and endorsing upon it Paid for the honour of Holland— I had several travelling companions in the Stage; and among them Mr Latrobe the Architect, a very pleasant and social one— The roads were still heavy from the rains of yesterday. We dined at Cokendorfers, formerly Ross’s; and just at five O’Clock in the afternoon, I alighted at my house in Washington; and spent the Evening alone, in reading and writing.

15 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanFamily Finances (Adams Family)Bank of the United StatesPressSectionalismTreaty of GhentWest, The
414

15. VI:30. A young man by the name of Essex called on me this morning, having Letters from Mr John Pope to Mrs Adams, and to Mr George Boyd, who has removed from this City into Virginia. He is an applicant for a warrant as a Midshipman in the Navy. I called at the President’s where I met Mr Calhoun. The President arrived from his seat in Virginia last Sunday. His health is better than it was in the Spring, but still somewhat infirm— He told me that Mr Crowninshield had resigned the Office of Secretary of the Navy; it was announced in the National Intelligencer of this Morning— The President said that as there was no person who occurred to him from the Western Country, he proposed to make his Selection from one of the middle Atlantic States; ranging between New-York and Maryland—and he named the late Governor Snyder of Pennsylvania, Mr Thompson, now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of New-York, and General Peter B. Porter as persons of whom he had thought— Their respective merits were discussed, and as Porter is now a Commissioner under two Articles of the Treaty of Ghent, and could not without inconvenience be replaced by another person for that service, he was laid out of the question— I observed to the President, that it would be very desirable, if possible to have one member of the administration from the Western States. It was a great and rapidly growing Section of the Union, and there appeared to be some uneasiness among them, at what they considered as an exclusion from the Cabinet, as it is usually called. The appointment of one member of the Administration from among them I thought would have a happy and conciliatory effect. He said he was well aware of the weight of these Considerations, and asked if I had thought of any person belonging to that part of the Union, suitable for the appointment— I said my acquaintance there was very limited, and the more so from the long absence from the United States from which I have recently returned. But I thought there must be many individuals there, well qualified to preside over a Department and to advise, as a member of the Administration— He said he would think further of the subject and asked how I thought it would be proper to have the duties of the head of the Department supplied in the interval, till the new appointment— It might be, either by assigning them to one of the acting Heads of the other Departments—or to the President of the board of Commissioners of the Navy—or to Mr Homans the Chief Clerk of the Navy Department. During a late vacancy in the War Department, the Chief Clerk, Mr. George Graham, had officiated as acting Secretary; but there had been some complaints against Mr Homans and certain circumstances of his conduct had been brought to light during the last Session of Congress, which he, the President thought of very little weight and not affecting his integrity; but which others viewed in a more serious light, insomuch that two members of Congress had even suggested to him that it should have subjected Homans to censure from him— To give him the powers of a head of Department might therefore occasion public animadversion; and on the other hand to make a different disposal might wound his feelings, and seem to give countenance to those prejudices against him, which seemed to be not altogether just. Mr Madison, at his late visit to him in Virginia, had intimated an opinion that the Office of Secretary of the Navy might be itself abolished, and its duties assigned to the President of the Commissioners of the Navy but he did not concur in that opinion, and was unwilling to give so much countenance to it as even a temporary appointment of the President of the Board, to do the duties of the Secretary of the Navy might warrant.— on the subject of foreign Affairs, little was said. There are several important despatches received from Messrs. Rush, Gallatin, and Erving which I had not yet seen. The mass of papers at the Department, accumulated since the direction was received from me to forward no more of them to Boston, is so great that I almost despair of getting through the reading of them— I was but a short time at the Office and only read over a few of the papers— Called and made some arrangements at the Branch and Metropolis Banks— On returning home to dinner, I found that Mrs Adams and Mary Hellen had arrived from Baltimore, which they did not leave till this morning.

16 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal Millikan

41516. VI. Young Essex was here this morning, I believe two hours; and to no earthly purpose but that of consuming my time. I have not the address to dismiss such persons with courtesy, nor the temper to turn them off with rudeness. Mr Scott the delegate from the Missouri territory likewise came in. He remained here several weeks after the close of the last Session of Congress; and is already upon the ground in preparation for the next— I had a visit also from General Swift. At the President’s I met Mr Crawford the Secretary of the Treasury. Something further was said with regard to the temporary filling of the Navy Department— Mr Crawford observed that there were precedents for both the modes of filling it, by the Head of another Department, or by the Chief Clerk; and he appeared to think unfavourably of Homans; at least he thought after Blagrove’s exposure of him last winter, he ought to have deposited the whole balance of Public monies in his hands, immediately in the Bank— I was again but a short time at the Office— Mr and Mrs Frye, with Johnson and Thomas Hellen and Robert Buchanan, and Mr and Mrs W. S. Smith, spent the Evening with us, and we had a party of Loto with the Children.

17 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanFamily Residences (Adams Family)Foreign RelationsMexican War of IndependenceNative AmericansPrivateeringLatin American Wars of IndependenceWar of 1812
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17. V: Mr Calhoun the Secretary at War called upon me this Morning with a Mr Ware of the State of Mississippi, who had been mentioned to me by Mr John Vaughan and Dr Brown whom we met in the street at Philadelphia last Tuesday Morning, and whom Vaughan introduced to me. They were under the impression that Ware himself had seen at San Antonio, records of antient grants of Land by the French Government within the Province of Texas. Mr Vaughan therefore had promised to ask Ware to call upon me when he should come to Washington—but it proved, not that he had seen these records himself, but that Americans who were at San Antonio in the year 1813. had told him they had seen them there— The records and the town of San Antonio itself have been since burnt, when retaken by the Royalists.— Mr John Graham called on me at the Office, and mentioned to me, that the Report of the late Commissioners to South-America, was to be drawn up by Mr Rodney, and would contain rather a statement of facts collected by the Commissioners, and observed by them than any opinions of their own— To this I readily assented— He said he had written to Mr Rodney before I last left the City, that the President and all the Administration would probably be here by the 15th. of this Month; and that it would be expected that the Report of the Commissioners would then be ready. Mr Rodney had answered him that he would have it ready by the time; but within these few days had written him again that he had been unexpectedly called away upon business of his own, which would delay for a short time the completion of the Report— I told Mr Graham that if it was sent in by the end of the Month it would be in time; but it could not without inconvenience be longer postponed, as Congress are to convene on the 16th. of next Month, and the manner in which the subject will be mentioned by the President in his message, will depend in some measure upon the Report.— I had mentioned yesterday Young Essex to the President as soliciting a Warrant of Midshipman; and as he belongs to the State of Kentucky, from which the proportion of Officers in the Navy is very small, the President directed that a warrant should issue for him immediately; as well as for a young man named Telfair, of Virginia recommended by Mr Crawford. I called at the Navy Department, and spoke to Mr Homans about the warrants. He found Telfair’s name on the list of Applicants. Essex’s application was entirely new. He said he would have the Warrants made out immediately but there was no person yet authorized to countersign them— Coll. Swartwout was yesterday commissioned as Navy Agent at New-York— He had called upon me the day before to ask for my influence in obtaining the appointment. I told him that being perfectly disposed to render him any service in my power, I should be happy if he should obtain the appointment; but as it was of the resort of another Department my general rule was merely to make known to the President such applications as were made through me 416together with the recommendations by which they were supported, leaving him to judge of them himself. I should feel myself peculiarly obliged to observe that course in the present case, having been very earnestly solicited at my passage through New-York to interest myself in behalf of another person, a Mr Rutgers— Coll. Swartwout professed to be entirely satisfied with this— I received last Evening a Note from the Abbe Correa, the Portuguese Minister, complaining of an attempt to fit out an armed vessel in the Patuxent to cruize against Portuguese subjects and property, under Commissions from Artigas— I met the Abbé as I was going to the Office and appointed to see him at 2 O’Clock, when he came. I told him that the only way in which the Executive could interpose was by directing a prosecution of the persons chargeable with a violation of the Laws, and that if he would give the names of such persons and of the witnesses who would establish the proof against them, the Attorney for the District of Maryland would be directed to commence a prosecution. He asked whether the President was not authorized by the Law of the last Session of Congress to employ the army and navy of the United States to suppress such armaments. I said he was, but that he could not take the facts for granted— A judicial conviction appeared to be the only proof upon which he could resort to measures of that character— He said he could have no confidence in any judicial prosecution— What reliance for instance could he place for instance in the verdict of a jury selected by the Sheriff of Baltimore, who was himself concerned in the fitting out of these privateers. I told him the Sheriff of Baltimore would have nothing to do with the selection of the Juries, the trial being before the Courts of the United States, and not those of the State. He said it was very hard, that such things must be doing almost under the very eyes of this Government; and that there should be no remedy for Portugal, whose king had always been so friendly towards the United States. That privateering Commissions from Artigas were mere absurdities, as he had possession of no Seaport; and that there might just as well issue Commissions for privateering, from Harper’s ferry, or from the Seminole Indians— That he was fully persuaded of the just and honourable intentions of the American Government; but that “we had a most unmanageable crew—” I answered him that I trusted he did not intend by that remark to cast a reflection upon the nature of our Institutions, but that at all events our people were quite as manageable for every good purpose, as the people of any other Nation, not excepting that of Portugal and Brazil. That we wished to take no part in the war carried on between the Portuguese Government and that of Artigas; but that there could be no analogy between Artigas and the Seminole Indians— He disclaimed any intention of reflecting upon our Institutions, and professed on the contrary great respect for them; but he recurred to the kindness which his king had always manifested to the United States. I mentioned to him the case of the privateer General Armstrong at Fayal, during our late War with England— He said that Ghost was always brought up against him— He had written about it to his Court, when I mentioned it to him before and had received all the papers that had passed between them, and the British Government concerning it. Fayal was an open road; incapable of resistance; and great damage was done upon the occasion of this transaction, to the houses of the inhabitants on shore. The British Government had offered to indemnify all those inhabitants, but his Court had refused to accept that indemnity, without satisfaction’s being given to the complaint on the part of the United States also. This was all they could do— I said the result however was that no satisfaction had been given to the United States. The Abbe finally concluded by saying that he wished me to answer his note so that he might make his report to his own Government— I told him there were some other subjects on which I should be glad to converse with him, and he said he would call at my house to-morrow— Mr Bagot, and the Viscount de Quabeck, the new Chargé d’Affaires from the Netherlands sent notes requesting interviews; for which I appointed twelve and two O’Clock next Monday. On returning home to dinner, I found Mr Bailey, and the Chevalier Courson de la Villehalio, Captain of the French Frigate la Duchesse de Berri, now at New-York. I found quite unexpectedly that this Officer was an old acquaintance—he reminded me of having seen me at the University of Cambridge, and of having with a party of French Officers dined with me at my father’s house, in September 1788. he belonged to a French squadron then in Boston harbour commanded by a Mr. de Vintimille— I recollected the circumstance distinctly 417but not the person of Mr Courson. He has mistaken also the year, which was 1788. He thinks it 1787— I went after dinner with Mrs Adams and we spent the Evening at Mr Frye’s.

18 October 1818
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18. VI:15. Morning call from Mr Daniel Brent. There was an advertisement in the newspapers that Mr Hurley a celebrated preacher from Philadelphia, was to preach this morning at the Roman Catholic Church; and we went with Mr Brent to hear him— But an apology was made for him from indisposition, and Mr Matthews the regular priest, preached in his stead. Walked from the Church, with Mr and Madame de Neuville and the Chevalier Courson, who paid a visit to Mrs AdamsMr Onis and his daughters came in soon after. They all arrived here yesterday—the de Neuville’s, from a visit to Mr Madison, in Virginia—and the Onis’s from Baltimore. I had a long visit also from Cardelli, who is very anxious to take the President’s Bust; and from the Abbè Correa, who goes for Philadelphia to-morrow, to return at the end of the week— I walked an hour after dinner and was writing the remainder of the Evening.

19 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanBank of the United StatesForeign RelationsLatin American Wars of Independence
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19. VI: Mr Scott the delegate from the Missouri territory came to enquire what was the result of a letter that he had written to me last week against the reappointment of judge Lucas as one of the judges of the territory. His commission he stated had expired, and he accuses him of being a man of violent temper and passions. I told Scott that his Letter should be laid before the President; but he might think it a very harsh measure to omit the reappointment of judge Lucas; as under the circumstances it would be equivalent to a removal from office. I suggested also that as party Spirit in the Missouri territory was extreme, it would have the appearance of taking part in it, to withhold the reappointment unless there was some remonstrance against it from the People themselves— He said at all Events as the People would probably be authorised to form a Constitution as a State at the next Session of Congress, Lucas would not hold his Commission long, for when the People should once have the power of manifesting their opinion of Lucas, he had no doubt what it would be— Call at the President’s— He spoke again of the appointment of a Secretary of the Navy. Said he should offer it to Commodore Rogers, who probably would decline accepting it. He had already declined it, when offered to him by President Madison—and next to him, he thought he should offer it to the Chief-Justice of New York Thompson; whom he did not personally know—but whose reputation stood very high, and who was represented as having kept entirely aloof from all the intrigues of the New-York parties— I had mentioned to the President the late Governor of the State of Ohio, Worthington, as a suitable candidate from the Western Country, and as having once been a seafaring man— The President said he was not personally acquainted with him—but he had been mentioned to him as a man of indirect ways, upon whose steadiness no reliance was to be placed— He preferred men of a strait forward character. I observed to him this day that as the Vice-President was from New-York, Pennsylvania might have the stronger claim to a member of the administration. He assented to the remark; but if Rodgers does not accept Thompson will be the man— The President said that for the temporary appointment, as Mr Calhoun’s Office was immediately opposite to that of the Secretary of the Navy, he had requested him to perform the duties in the short interval till the appointment. I had thought of recommending this arrangement myself. At the Office I had interviews with Mr Bagot, and with the Viscount de Quabeck, who came in while Bagot was with me. Mr Bagot was appointed for, and came at twelve O’Clock. I had directed that two should be the hour appointed for the Viscount. One was by mistake the time fixed, and when he came he was admitted. It was however merely a visit of form; and he told me he could not apply to be presented to the President, until the arrival of his trunks from Philadelphia, which were coming round by water, and which contained his Uniform dress— Mr Bagot told me that he came to redeem the pledge of Lord Castlereagh’s promise given last November; to communicate frankly what was doing by the European allies in relation to Spain and South America. That the only reason why this had not been 418done before, was because nothing had been matured; nothing agreed upon; nothing prepared even to an extent which was worth communicating—lately however some advance in the business had been made, and he had brought me several papers to read, of which he was not authorized to give or allow copies to be taken, but which were communicated in the most entire confidence. The first was a circular note, from Lord Castlereagh to the five allied Powers dated in August 1817. and founded upon the previous application from Spain, soliciting the mediation of the allies, between her and her Colonies— It proposes that they should undertake the Mediation, on condition that Spain should agree to three principles to form the basis of it 1. A general amnesty to the insurgents 2. That the South Americans should be admissible to Offices and honours equally with the Spaniards. 3. That the Colonies should enjoy a free commerce with other Nations; subject to certain suitable preferences in favour of Spain. This is the paper referred to in the Russian Answer of November; the original application from Spain for the Mediation does not yet appear. The next paper exhibited by Mr Bagot was a Note from the Duke of San Carlos the Spanish Ambassador, in England dated in June last— Accepting the bases proposed in the British Note, but couching the promise of commercial freedom in more indefinite terms and intimating an expectation that the allies would guarantee the issue of the Mediation. The first British Note had in the most explicit manner disclaimed every intention of resorting to force against the Colonies, in any event of the Negotiation— The reply from Lord Castlereagh to this Note of the Duke of San Carlos (which was also a circular, the Duke of Fernan-Nuñez, having presented one of precisely the same tenour at Paris, which was there published, and is now circulating in all our Newspapers) after guarding against the Spanish insinuation of a guarantee, by repeating the firm determination, in no event whatever to employ force against the Colonies, calls upon Spain to speak out in explicit terms, and declare what she proposes in reference to the commercial freedom to be allowed to the Colonies after their return to her Government— With this Note is a copy of Lord Castlereagh’s despatch to Sir Henry Wellesley, the British Ambassador at Madrid, directing him to present it— The despatch is dated in August last, and intimates that towards the close of that Month, Lord Castlereagh, expected to go to the Congress of Sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle; instructing also Sir Henry Wellesley to urge the Spanish Government, to have a Plenipotentiary there with a plan fully prepared for the arrangement with the Colonies. This Congress at Aix La Chapelle has since been postponed to the last week in September— The Spanish Note of June last professes also the disposition of Spain to take such measures on the subject as her Allies may advise— I asked Mr Bagot, if Lord Castlereagh said anything to him of the Protests by the deputies from Buenos Ayres, and from New-Grenada, against the interference of the Allies—he said no. I asked him if he would allow me to take these papers to the President for his perusal, with my promise and word of honour that no copies should be taken, and that the papers should be immediately afterwards returned to him. He declined letting the papers go from him, but offered to go with me to the President’s, and remain there while he should be reading the papers. This sort of confidential distrust is usual with the British Government; and I once had a sample of it from Count Romanzoff. It is so grossly indelicate, that between individuals it could scarcely be viewed otherwise than as an insult. indeed Romanzoff’s caution went no further than to decline giving a copy of what he allowed me to read. The permission to read, with the refusal to allow papers to be taken for perusal out of the presence of the confiding party, is altogether English. I declined accepting Mr Bagots offer, but requested him to present my thanks to Lord Castlereagh for this confidential communication. With regard to the expedient, proposed to be attempted by the allies, it was perhaps due to their political connections and engagements with Spain, but I thought it not likely to prove successful; nor could I imagine the British Government expected it would be successful. It was a step prepared in the descent from power, of Spain, to break her fall. It might be fair and just to Spain to give her the benefit of the experiment; but after its failure, as I thought it must undoubtedly fail, it would be equally fair and just to Spain to put an end to all her expectations, and to that horrible war she is carrying on, by recognizing the principal Independent South American Governments— Mr Bagot assented entirely to these opinions. He left me after two O’Clock— Mr Crawford had requested a meeting of the Commissioners of the sinking fund at two, at his office; but it was three before I got there; and Mr Wirt the Attorney General immediately afterwards came in— It was a question upon a transaction with the Bank of the United States. They had given him notice that they should sell about 400,000 dollars of United States Stocks; being all that they have left, unless taken within fifteen days for Account of the United States. A Section of their Act of Incorporation restricts them from 419selling Stock in the United States, without giving this previous notice of fifteen days to the Secretary of the Treasury, that he may have the option of taking it for public account at certain rates below the present market price— Mr Crawford said that from the present state of the Treasury, it would not be convenient to take the Stock; but there was another point upon which he had made up his mind, and upon which the Directors of the Bank differed from him— They had got the opinion of three Lawyers to support them; but he had last year compelled them to purchase near two Millions of Stock to replace as much which they had sold after notice given by him of his intention to redeem it. They had made the purchase at a cost of 54000 dollars— His position was this—that the Stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States, being made by the Act of incorporation, redeemable by them at their pleasure, although upon the face of it redeemable as Stock, only at certain periods; if it should be sold by the Bank to individuals it would still be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, and upon the same terms as if it had remained in the possession of the Bank— Upon this point my opinion differed from that of Mr Crawford. I considered the provisions in the Act of incorporation, not as changing the nature of the Stock, but merely as restrictions upon the Bank with regard to Sales— Mr Wirt was undecided, but inclined to the opinion of Mr Crawford. It was proposed that Mr Wirt should write to take the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall. I urged Mr Crawford to waive the question by taking the whole of the stock for the public; but he was afraid of draining so much the Treasury. He finally resolved however to take the 3. per Cent Stocks of which there were about the amount of 90000 dollars, and which were the only portion of the whole, the redeemability of which, upon the terms prescribed to the Bank, it was of any import to the public to have retained— Morning and Evening employed in writing.

20 October 1818
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20. VI: At the President’s. He desired me to give notice to the other members of the administration, for a meeting at his house to-morrow at Noon; to consider of the case of Captain Hall; and also, of instructions to be given to Messrs: Gallatin and Rush, upon the subject of certain proposals relating to impressment, and to measures for promoting the abolition of the Slave-trade— I reported to the President the Conversation I had yesterday with Mr Bagot, and his proposal to accompany me to the President’s house that he might have the opportunity to peruse the papers—he approved of my having declined this offer; and directed me to assure Mr Bagot that he was well satisfied with the communication as made to me, and received it as a friendly mark of confidence from the British Government— I called at Mr Calhoun’s Office to give him the notice of the Meeting to-morrow. He asked me to have a warrant or Commission made out for him to perform the duties of Secretary of the Navy— On looking into the Precedents, and the Laws I found that although the President is authorised to assign for an interval of six Months the duties of the Secretaries of State, the Treasury and of War, to other Officers, yet that there is no such provision for the supplying a vacancy in the Navy Department, which was created, after the Law relating to the other Departments had been enacted. I mentioned this to Mr Calhoun, that the question might be taken into consideration— I had a morning visit from General Swift— Spent the Evening with Mrs Adams, and Mary Hellen, at W. S. Smith’s.

21 October 1818
adams-john10 Neal MillikanDuelingForeign RelationsImpressmentSlave TradeUS Constitution
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21. VI: Somewhat unwell last Night, and all this day. Morning visits to the Viscount de Quabeck, the Charge d’Affaires from the Netherlands with whom I found Bourqueney, and to the Chevalier Courson, who lodges at the French Minister de Neuville’s. I asked Quabeck what news he had from ten Cate and his projected duel. He shewed me a Letter from him at New-York, complaining that he had been taken ill with a fever, and detained two or three days at Elizabeth-town, but had finally 420reached New-York, and was seeking for his man, to fight him; but had not been able to find him. He also desires Quabeck to apply to Mr Wirt the Attorney General, and enquire how long a public Minister is allowed his privilege, after his recall; and says he thinks there is a law in this Country, allowing it for two Months— Quabeck said he thought the usual allowance in Europe was two Months six weeks— I told him I knew of no precise law upon the subject anywhere— I suppose the usage every where was a reasonable time; of the extent of which the judicial tribunals in every individual case would decide. Quabeck then told me the origin and progress, of ten Cate’s quarrel with Willink, to its present Stage of an imminent duel. It began by an overdraft of ten Cate’s upon a Bank in Philadelphia—to refund which he gave a Bill of Exchange upon Amsterdam which came back protested— Willink then paid the Bill, and endorsed the payment, “for the honour of the Government of the Netherlands,” at which ten Cate took offence, and wrote Willink a Letter expressing his dissatisfaction. Willink answered by a Letter so violent and outrageous, that it was impossible ten Cate could avoid calling him to account for it— But he was afraid as ten Cate was enquiring how long his privilege continued, that he might be arrested for debt by Willink who yet holds the protested Bill of Exchange against him. I requested the Viscount to write immediately to ten Cate, dissuading him from the pursuit of his duel, on the very ground of his privilege, as his adversary having no privilege, it was impossible for them to meet upon equal terms. He promised me that he would write accordingly. I asked him if ten Cate had said any thing to him of a sum of money which he had borrowed of me, and for which he had given a draft upon the Minister of foreign affairs, the Baron de Nagell— He said no— I then told him the whole transaction, upon which he said he was sure it would finish the ruin of ten Cate; who certainly had no authority to draw upon the Baron de Nagell— That Minister he said “sautera haut comme cela” holding his hand two foot above the floor, when he should have the Bill presented to him; and he was very much afraid would not accept the Bill, until the circumstances under which it was given shall be explained to him— I told him that as Mr ten Cate’s pecuniary embarrassment was well known, when I took his Bill, Mr Everett, who was going out as our Charge d’Affaires to the Netherlands, had been instructed to give the proper explanations, to Baron Nagell, if they should be found necessary— Mr Everett was to have embarked immediately afterwards and was indeed the bearer of one of the Bills— He had however been detained by the private Circumstances of his family, but was now on the point of embarking— I told him that before I supplied ten Cate with the money I had required of him a written declaration that he had no reason to expect or believe that his Government would hesitate or decline to accept his Bill; which he had accordingly given. Quabeck said that if he wrote that to his Government, ten Cate’s case would be more completely irredeemable than it now is; but that he was already “en disgrace complette.” I said I should not wish to have the circumstances mentioned unless it should be necessary to account for my having furnished him the money. He said the sum 3000 dollars, amounted to nine Months of ten Cate’s Salary, and he knew he had been paid up to the last Stuiver, though he believed his Government were now satisfied that the Salary was insufficient— ten Cate had made himself very generally liked and esteemed here, and there had been no apparent extravagance in his expence’s— It was inconceivable how he had got himself into such a situation— I said finally that I had supplied him the money as much out of regard to his Government as to himself—there were several examples of its having been done to accommodate other foreign public agents; and I had advanced it, after consulting the only one of my colleagues who was here at the time— But as the money that I had advanced belonged to the public, I should in the end be personally responsible for it, if the Bill should not be paid— Mr ten Cate, to account for the largeness of the sum, which he had asked for, told me that he had orders from his Government to make certain purchases for them— He had even requested an addition of eight hundred dollars to the largest sum first mentioned by him, which I had declined to supply him. Quabeck said he had no doubt that when these explanations were given the money would be paid, but he had never heard a syllable of any order given by his Government to ten Cate, to make any purchases for them.— I called at Mr de Neuville’s and paid a visit to the Chevalier de Courson, whom we had invited to dine with us next Saturday; he is however obliged to leave the City for New-York to-morrow; and is going immediately to Martinique. I then Stopped at Mr Wirts Office, and gave him notice of the meeting at the President’s house, which I had forgotten to do yesterday. He immediately went with me; and we found Mr Crawford already at the President’s— Mr Calhoun came in a few minutes after us. There were three subjects upon which the President consulted us. 1. Respecting, instructions to be given to Messrs: Gallatin and Rush, relating to proposals from the British Government, on the subject 421of impressment, and of the abolition of the Slave trade. 2. On the question whether Commodore Rogers, to whom the President has offered the appointment of Secretary of the Navy, can be with propriety allowed to accept it, and at the same time retain his rank and Commission in the Navy. 3. On the proceedings of two Courts Martial, upon the case of Captain Hall— The first was postponed to a future day for the want of some despatches from Mr Rush, which I am to look up. With regard to the second the unanimous opinion was that Commodore Rodgers ought not to hold the two Offices of Secretary of the Navy, and of Captain in the Service, together. The accumulation of permanent Offices in the same person being contrary to the Spirit of the Constitution, and to the disposition of the People— The case of Captain Hall involves several important principles, and was thoroughly discussed. He was tried last January by a Court Martial, at Baltimore, upon a charge by Major Satterlee Clark of having cheated him at cards—playing Loo, all night long and till after daylight in the Morning— It was in evidence before the Court-Martial that both the parties were drunk—Clark, slightly, and Hall, so that he did not know what he was doing— The evidence as to the intention of cheating was therefore totally deficient—yet the Court-Martial found Hall guilty, and sentenced him to be cashiered. He offered evidence to his general character, for sobriety; and aversion to gaming, which the Court rejected— He offered evidence that there had been a quarrel between Clark and him the same night; to discredit his testimony— The Court rejected it— Under these Circumstances the President disapproved the Sentence of the Court; and directed a new trial, by another Court-Martial; which met at Plattsburg in June last— The 87th: Article of War, provides that no Officer shall be tried a second time, for the same Offence— Storrow the judge Advocate before the second Court-Martial made a speech to convince them that they could not try or arraign Hall, because he had been tried once before— They decided accordingly, though Hall was ready and desirous to be tried, and even attempted to object against the judge Advocate on account of his opposition to the trial— They refused to arraign Hall, and adjourned the Court without day. The President thereupon took the written opinion of the Attorney General; which is that notwithstanding the 87th. Article of War, an Officer may be tried a second time, for his own benefit; after a conviction, though not after an acquittal— The question was, what should be done—whether to send back the case to the same second Court-Martial; with the written opinion of the Attorney-General; and a peremptory order to them to try Hall—or to send it to a third Court-Martial; or to refer the subject at once to Congress for an explanatory Law. I found the opinion of all the administration fully made up; and had unfortunately only doubts to suggest in which no other member of the Administration participated. My doubts were 1. whether the decision of the second Court-Martial, was not well founded; and that they could in fact not legally try Hall. 2. Whether the order to try him was an ordinary Military order, which they were bound to obey without enquiring into its legality 3. Whether they were bound by an order from the Executive, relating to the nature of the Evidence which they must admit or reject. 4. Whether the President can lawfully constitute one Court-Martial, as a Court of appeal from the decision of another. Mr Calhoun was so clear upon all these points, that he thought there was no room for any doubt. The President and Attorney General, had made up their Minds, with equal decision— Mr Crawford though occasionally a little staggered, could not raise doubts sufficient to support mine; so that I had really not stubbornness enough to persevere in them— I acquiesced in the alternative of sending back the case to the second Court Martial with the opinion of the Attorney General, which I told him, I thought controvertible— I suggested the question however whether it would be expedient to have the same judge Advocate, upon the reference back, and whether another could be appointed— Before the decision upon this point was taken, dinner was announced; the President having last Evening sent us invitations to remain and dine with him— There was no other company; but Mrs Monroe, and a nephew of her’s, a young Mr Gouverneur— I came home early in the Evening, still somewhat unwell.

22 October 1818
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42222. V:30. Employed the morning till breakfast in journalizing— I called upon Coll: Gibson who is at the head of the new Commissary’s department; to recommend to him for Clerks two persons—one John Mitchell the late Consul at Martinique, and the other a Mr John Smith, who was last year strongly recommended to me, and who now calls on me to recommend him in my turn— I had already called yesterday at Coll. Gibson’s lodgings, but he was then gone to the Race grounds; the last three days having been those of the Autumnal Washington Races— Gibson says that both Mitchell and Smith will be appointed Clerks in his Office— At the President’s I mentioned the difficulty with regard to printing the Journal of the Convention, in its present incomplete condition. He advised me to write to Mr Madison concerning it; which I did. Mr Bulfinch’s eldest Son, who is reading Law with Mr Wirt, came to solicit patronage; to be employed as a clerk in one of the public Offices— I promised to speak to Mr Calhoun in his favour— After dinner, I returned the visit of Judge H. Johnson of Louisiana, at his lodgings.

23 October 1818
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23. VI: The President took a ride on Horseback to his house at Highland, near Aldie; Loudoun County, Virginia. At the Office, I wrote a Letter to J. R. Poinsett, which had been some time since directed by the President and answered the Abbè Correa’s complaint against the fitting out of a vessel in the Patuxent to cruize against Portuguese subjects and property; and a Note, received from the Spanish Minister Onis informing me that he is ready to exchange the Ratifications of the Convention of 1802. but proposing as he has received new Instructions to make proposals for a further and definitive arrangement of all the differences between the two Countries, to postpone the exchange of Ratifications, until we can make the attempt to agree upon the more comprehensive adjustment of the subjects in discussion— Mr John Graham made the translation of this Note and sent it to me this day; upon which I answered it, agreeing to postpone the exchange of the Ratifications of the Convention, and inviting an immediate communication of Mr Onis’s new proposals. Mr Pleasonton called at the Office, and brought me several papers of vindication, and of recommendation of T. Kirkpatrick late Consul of the United States at Malaga, who was displaced on account of his failure as a merchant, with heavy complaints against him by several Citizens of the United States— He now sends these testimonials in his favour, and desires to be informed of the reasons for which he was dismissed from Office— Mrs Adams attended this Evening a Ball, at Mr Thomas Peter’s at Georgetown— I spent it at home, writing.

24 October 1818
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24. VI: The morning was cold; and thereby abridged my writing. Going to my Office, I met Mr Calhoun who asked me to enquire of Mr Bagot whether he had any authority to agree to a temporary line between the British territories and ours to the Northwest; and said he was establishing a line of Posts in that direction to cover our frontier, and prevent the British traders from crossing the line to trade with the Indians within our boundaries. I called afterwards at Calhoun’s Office, where he shewed me upon the map, the positions where the new Posts are to be established— I was engaged all the remainder of the Morning, in reading over the despatches from R. Rush, received since I left the City in August— They lay open a field for much labour, and most assiduous industry to me. May I not be found wanting, to my duties, or to my Country! There was a Letter from Harriet Welsh to my wife received, mentioning that my Mother was unwell; and that she, Harriet was going out to pass some time at Quincy on that account— A Postscript stated that my Sons had just returned from Quincy, where they were doing well partly relieved me from the apprehensions excited by the Letter— We had a diplomatic company to dinner— Mr and Mrs. Bagot Messrs Antrobus, Hughes, Baker and Crawford. Mr and Mrs Hyde de Neuville, and Mr Bourqueney, Mr and Miss de Onis, Madame dè Heredia, and Messrs: Pizarro-Martinez, la Serna and Stoughton, the Viscount de Quabeck, and Mr Johnson, the Senator from Louisiana— The chevalier de Courson, left the City on Thursday— Messrs. de Mun and Thierry of the French, and Mr Noëli of the Spanish legations sent excuses. Mr Zamorano was absent— The party would have been agreeable, but that Mrs Adams 423was suffering all the time with a severe head-ache, and immediately after the company left us was very sick— Quabeck told me that he had received a letter from ten Cate at Philadelphia, whither he had returned from New-York; and had not found Willink— He has taken passage in a vessel bound to Antwerp, and is to embark immediately. I asked Quabeck to call at my office on Monday or Tuesday, and told him I would shew him my Correspondence with ten Cate relating to the advance of money made to him— He said he would call, but that he had already written to his Government mentioning the circumstances which I had stated to him. I asked Mr Bagot whether he had authority to agree to a temporary North western line: he said he had not— I told him that we were establishing a line of military Posts in the neighbourhood of Lord Selkirk’s Settlements— He said he had heard so. He also spoke to me about the sum of money recovered in a district Court of the United States, by a Canadian British Subject, and with which the Clerk of the Court, Tharon Rudd, absconded— I could say nothing further on the subject than I had heretofore told him— He said he should write to me about it again.

25 October 1818
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25. VII: Mrs Adams continues quite unwell, and was confined the whole of this day to her bed. I attended again at the Roman Catholic Church, and heard Mr Hurley preach. His text was Psalms 118.24. “This is the day which the Lord hath made: let us rejoice and be glad therein.” He spoke without Notes; but with great fluency and elegant language— His theme was the institution of the Sabbath— There was little reasoning in his discourse, and not much learning. But there was some pleasing declamation upon the power and the goodness of God, and some sober doctrine upon the duty of keeping the Sabbath day holy. His text might have justified a Roman Catholic preacher, in urging that innocent pleasures and amusements are not incompatible with the sanctity of the day; but he drew no such doctrine from it— On the contrary he censured severely those who are in the habit of devoting the day to frivolous diversions. The Roman Catholics in this Country keep the Sunday with as much gravity as any protestant sect— Mr Hurley who is a very handsome man, appeared somewhat too studious of his attire; and there was too much vehemence in his manner, for the temperate character of his text— Immediately after he had finished his Sermon he went into the vestry, stripped off his Stole and Surplice, and passed again through the church and went away, while the ordinary Priest, Matthews, was in the midst of the service administering the Communion— When I returned home from Church I found that Mr Onis had left two Notes at my house; one containing complaints respecting the Government of Amelia Island, and the other with propositions for the Negotiation of a Treaty— This second is a note of 18 pages, containing a History of the Spanish Settlements in Mexico over again— I had a Morning visit from Mr Middleton, who appears to be mortified at the issue of the Election for the next Congress at Charleston; the district now represented by him. He told me that Mr Clay, the Speaker was now here; going on, to-morrow, for Boston. Cardelli was here and brought the bust; but I did not see him. I took a solitary walk of two hours before dinner; and wore out the Evening as I had the morning in reading the newspapers— So that I wrote nothing the whole day.

26 October 1818
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26. V:30. Resumed partially the writing of Morn and Eve; which has absorbed so much of my time since my return home— Calling at the President’s, I found Mr Calhoun there. The President returned last Evening from his ride to Highland. I read to him the Propositions contained in the Note of Mr Onis; with which he was much dissatisfied; considering them not only as altogether inadmissible, but as merely another experiment upon the Patience and long suffering of this Government. He said it was time to bring Onis to a point, and if he would not agree to reasonable terms to break off the Negotiation. I afterwards gave the Propositions to Mr John Graham for a translation. The President told me that Commodore Rodgers had declined the appointment of Secretary of the Navy; preferring his present station as President 424of the Navy Board; with which he retains his rank as a Captain in the Navy— The President said he should now determine to offer the place, either to Mr Snyder, or to the Chief Justice of New-York; Thompson: as he appeared to incline strongly in favour of the latter, I presented to him all the considerations which operate in favour of the other— He said he would determine in the course of the day— There was a Letter came from my Son John to my wife dated the 22d. and saying that my Mother was very dangerously ill. My wife was so much recovered, as to be with us at dinner— I wrote all the Evening.

27 October 1818
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27. VI:30. At the President’s. He was desirous of having the reply to Mr Onis’s Propositions, prepared, and presented for Consideration at a Cabinet Meeting this day; but that was impossible— Mr John Graham brought me the translation; and told me that Pleasonton had informed him Mr Rodney had been prevented from coming to Washington, by a fit of the fever and ague; but that he would be here this day or to-morrow. I called at Mr Calhoun’s Office; as he is now acting as Secretary of the Navy; to enquire if there was a frigate or Sloop of War, which can be sent to the Havanna to demand the liberation of a number of Americans now in confinement there—among whom is a Mr William Davis Robinson. He has made many applications for the interference of this Government to obtain his release; and since my return here Mr Fairfax, and young Mitchell have been to me, time after time with the same request— It was concluded to send the John Adams, now at New-York, and which Homans says will be ready, by the first week in December. I obtained a warrant for the Son of Ebenr. Gay of Hingham, as Midshipman; to go in her; as he had requested me by Letter to do. The Viscount de Quabeck called upon me at two O’Clock, and I shewed him my Correspondence with ten Cate, on the Subject of the advance of money which I made to him. He says that the more he hears of ten Cate’s affairs, the worse they appear; and he shewed me a Letter from Zimmermann the Dutch commercial Agent at New-York stating that when he left that City there were two or three Writs out against him to arrest him there; and that he would be exposed to as many at Philadelphia— He said that the vessel in which ten Cate had taken his passage for Antwerp, cleared out on the 22d. or 23d. and he hoped was now gone— Quabeck told me that among the visits that he had paid when he was here before were two to Mr Calhoun and Mr Wirt; and as they were the only ones that had not been returned he did not know, whether those gentlemen knew of his visits; and he enquired whether it would be proper for him to pay them visits again. I told him I thought not— But I would ascertain whether those Gentlemen had received his Cards, and would let him know— Mr Lear came to me with a young Spaniard named F. X. de Ealo, to solicit the appointment of American Consul at Bilboa; and he brought several recommendatory Certificates— Mr Alexander Scott of Georgetown, came, with Letters of introduction, from Mr John Pope of Kentucky, and from General Mason of Georgetown. Two Letters from Harriet Welsh to my wife were received; both written at Quincy last Thursday. My ever dear and most affectionate Mother, was lying, with a bilious fever, and almost without hope of her recovery. The second Letter written in the Evening gives a glimpse of encouragement. God almighty grant that she may survive, and be restored to perfect health. I wrote all this Evening, and redeemed the arrears of this Journal.

28 October 1818
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28. V: Finished the draft of a Note in answer to Onis’s Propositions. Took it to the President’s who directed a meeting of the members of the administration at his house at one O’Clock. At the Office, I was visited, by a MrAlexander Scott of Georgetown, who brought me Letters of recommendation Hoyt, who was introduced to me by Mr Bailey; originally a Bostonian, now settled at Marietta, in the State of Ohio, where he is Postmaster; and about to remove to Gibson in the State of Mississippi, where he is to have the same Office. Commodore Porter mentioned to me a claim of his upon the Government of Chili, for a prize vessel taken by him during the late War, and taken from him by them. He wished that Captain Downe of the Macedonian who is going into the South Sea might be instructed to prosecute this demand for him— It was past one O’Clock when I was going to the President’s, but was detained half an hour by Mr Bagot, who came in much agitated with a letter which he had just received from Mr Barclay, the British Commissioner under the fifth Article of the Treaty of Ghent. It appears that in running their 45th. parallel Latitude, they find by the observations of the Astronomers on both sides, that the existing line touching upon Lake Champlain, is 425about three quarters of a Mile too far North, and that the new line will bring two Forts, lately built by us, within the British Territory. Hassler, the American Astronomer, is so much alarmed at this result, that he is afraid there will be a riot among the people there to overthrow the forts and break all their instruments; and to prevent them from proceeding upon their business. He communicated his terror to Dr Tyack, the British Astronomer (they are both Germans) and he to Mr Barclay the British Commissioner, who wrote off immediately to Mr Bagot, requesting him to apply for a reinforcement of troops for their protection. I told Bagot I thought it was nothing but a maggot in the brain of Hassler, and that there was no danger whatever. But I promised to mention it to the President, and inform him of the result— I found Crawford and Calhoun with the President, and told him of Mr Bagot’s communication— Notice of the fact that the Astronomical Observations are likely to deprive us of our two new forts had been received yesterday; from Coll. Totten, by a Letter from Hassler, but the President and Calhoun laughed at the idea of the apprehended rebellion against the Astronomers in Vermont. We passed to the consideration of the reply to Onis’s Propositions— The President himself inclined to make it merely a verbal communication, and to give no written answer unless Onis would declare that he was authorized to conclude a Treaty upon our ultimatum— It was however finally agreed that it should be in writing— I read Onis’s propositions and my draft of an answer to them. several alterations were proposed—one to the boundary line that I had drawn up—Crawford wanted instead of the red river, the chain of mountains to the South of it— A blank was to be filled for the time after which the grants of Land are to be held null and void— 1802. 1805. 1808 and 1811. were successively mentioned and discussed without coming to any decision. But the great difficulty was with regard to the reunciations of claims for indemnities— It was concluded that some exceptions must be reserved, and I was directed to prepare an additional paragraph to that effect— Meeting adjourned about four. I received a Letter from Dr Waterhouse of the 21st: and one to my wife from Harriet Welsh of the 23d. concerning my beloved Mother. The first very discouraging— Harriet’s more cheering, and I fervently pray, of truer forecast. I had also a Letter from A. H. Everett, with Bills, discharging his debt to me. Took half an hours walk alone after dinner; and spent the remainder of the Evening in writing.

29 October 1818
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29. VI: Called at the Branch Bank, with three Bills of the Boston Branch which they declined taking; but Smith the Cashier took them, and said I should be credited for them to-morrow. Davidson the teller hinted to me that Smith would obtain a premium upon them of at least one per Cent, and pocket it himself. At the President’s—I had prepared an additional paragraph for my Letter to Mr Onis, but it did not yet altogether suit the President’s views— He told me that he now thought it of much less consequence than it was a year ago, whether we made any adjustment with Spain at all— And that he thought Onis’s instructions now were such that he would either sign no Treaty at all; or he would sign one upon our own terms. I left my draft with him. He has begun that of his Message, and read me two paragraphs, one respecting the commercial Negotiation, now on foot with England— The other concerning our relations with Spain. The latter was unfinished. He directed a Cabinet Meeting at one O’Clock, upon the Instructions to be given to Messrs: Gallatin and Rush, concerning Impressment and the Slave trade. At one we met accordingly, and discussed the question upon impressment till four without coming to any decision. Another Meeting was appointed for twelve O’Clock to-morrow. Rush according to his Instructions made two successive proposals to the British Government, upon impressment— One the 18th. of April, and the other the 30th. of June last. The first was to restrict reciprocally the naturalization of Sailors; the other was totally to exclude each other’s Seamen, from the respective Services whether in public or in merchant 426vessels—with a positive stipulation against the impressment of men in any case. The British Government in the first instance rejected both; but afterwards on the 13th of August Castlereagh intimated to Rush, as a suggestion of his own, upon which he had not consulted the other members of the Cabinet, that the second proposition might be accepted with two Modifications; one that either party may withdraw from the engagement of the stipulation after three or six Months notice, as in the agreement concerning armaments on the Lakes— The other, that if a British Officer after entering an American Vessel for purposes admitted to be lawful, should find a Seaman there whom he should suspect to be English, he should be authorized to make a record or procès verbal of that fact that it may be brought to the knowledge of the American Government, though not to take the man. The deliberation of this day was whether Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, should be instructed to agree to these modifications or not. Strong objections were urged against them both, particularly by Mr. CalhounMr Crawford inclined to accede to them both; and the President inclined to the same. Mr Wirt without expressing himself very decidedly, thought like the President— My own greatest objections were against the proposal as made by ourselves; to which I have always been utterly averse—thinking it an illiberal engagement—contrary to the free, generous and humane character of our institutions, unjustly restrictive upon the rights both of our own and of British Seamen, and having a tendency to excite the most violent animosities in their minds against one another and especially among the British Seamen against us— I thought it would be now peculiarly offensive and injurious to our commercial interests—doubted whether any such stipulation would be ratified by the Senate; was confident it would give universal dissatisfaction to the merchants, and in the Event of War, would be found impracticable in execution—as however we have made the proposal, we must abide by it, if accepted; but its own character may justly make us scrupulous against accepting any modifications which render it still more unexceptionable— Mr Calhoun opposed the first of Lord Castlereagh’s suggested modifications as leaving it in the power of the British Government, to make the stipulation itself nugatory to us, at the very moment, when it would begin to operate in our favour; and because by consenting that the compact should thus be cancelled at pleasure, we should be understood to have given an indirect assent to the resumption of the British practice. I concurred in this opinion which was strenuously contested by Mr Crawford and Mr Wirt, the President leaning a little the same way. Mr Crawford contended that the only object of these modifications on the part of the British Ministers was to make the stipulation itself palatable to their own people. That no British Ministers would dare to contract such an engagement, without reserving to themselves some such apology to conciliate the public opinion of their own Country— But that if the agreement should once be made they would never use the privilege of giving notice that it should be cancelled. The practice being once abandoned they would never incur the risk of resuming it— Mr Calhoun was also against acceding to the second proposed modification, which would allow a British Officer to muster and pass under inspection the crew of every American vessel boarded by him— It would give rise to altercations, and expose the American Master to the insolence of the British Officer, scarcely less galling than the injury of impressment itself. Calhoun added that the result of the late War had been to raise the tone of feeling in this Nation— That the success of the menacing attitude assumed with Spain, in the case of R. W. Meade had raised it still higher. That any concession by the Administration, which should tend to lower that tone of feeling, would give great dissatisfaction to the Nation, and would be used as a weapon against the Administration— Crawford said he had mentioned the proposed modifications to Mr Clay last Saturday, and he thought well of them— Aye, said Calhoun; but what will the Kentucky, and western Country newspapers say of them?— This question occasioned a general laugh, in which Crawford, heartily 427joined. We all knew that Clay would think well of any thing, which might excite dissatisfaction with the Administration. It was past four O’Clock when the meeting was adjourned till to-morrow. Calhoun took me home in his Carriage; and I walked half an hour before dinner. Johnson Hellen came to spend some days with us. I wasted the Evening, by an invincible drowsiness and repugnance to writing. I got over it between nine and ten, and wrote about half an hour.

30 October 1818
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30. VI: I called again at the Bank of the United States, (Branch) where the amount of the Bills which I presented yesterday was entered to my credit; Davidson the teller repeating the hint he had given me yesterday. I received however from Edward Cruft at Boston a Letter enclosing two drafts, making the precise amount of the credit I had at the Branch Bank Boston, without any premium or advance. I was only a few minutes at my Office— The adjourned Cabinet Meeting was held at the President’s from Noon till four, and resumed after dinner till nine in the Evening— We all dined there except Mr Wirt, who at dinner time went home, and did not return in the Evening. The question upon Lord Castlereagh’s proposed modifications to our proposal for abolishing impressment from our vessels on high seas, was again resumed, and argued with much earnestness. Crawford and Wirt adhering to their opinions; Calhoun and I to ours— The President, ultimately found a middle term upon which he concluded after expressing his regret that he was obliged to decide between us, equally divided in opinion as we were— He determined to reject the second modification; first because it implied that the boarding Officer should have the power of mustering the crew of the American vessel and passing them individually under his inspection; and secondly because it implied a suspicion that we should not faithfully and sincerely carry our own Laws into execution. He would do nothing to countenance such a distrust. He also should decline acceding to the proposal that the whole agreement might be cancelled, at the option of either party, giving three or six Months notice; but would offer to limit the duration of the Article to a shorter period than the remainder of the Convention— For he was convinced that if the British Government once brought themselves to contract the engagement, not to take men from our ships, though it should be only for a year, they would never resort to the practice again— They had never before yielded so far, as in this proposal. They had until now been inflexible in adherence to the principle of their pretended right to take men from our ships, and it would be the whole point gained on our part, if we should once obtain though for ever so short a time an abandonment by them of the principle. It would come too so soon after the conclusion of the late War, that in the opinion of our people it would be considered as having resulted from it. There was a deep anxiety in their minds, from an apprehension that it would again give rise to War. The British Ministry could in fact not abandon their pretended right without some reservation to conciliate the pride, the interest and the feelings of their nation to the sacrifice— I then suggested the expediency of proposing that it should be concluded as a separate Article, to be acted upon by our Senate distinctly from the remainder of the Convention, which I thought would itself meet with much difficulty in passing through the Senate, unless there should be additional Articles, admitting us to the West India trade— I had found upon conversation with Mr King when I passed through New-York, that he was averse to the renewal of the Convention in its present form; and his influence in the Senate was so considerable, and his knowledge upon commercial subjects so extensive that I thought his opposition alone would operate strongly against the Ratification— The stipulation to exclude all British Seamen from our ships, which would have an immediate and certain injurious effect upon our commerce, for the distant, possible, but very uncertain boon of exemption from impressment in the next maritime War, in which Great-Britain shall be engaged, and we neutral, will be so far from satisfying our people, 428that the general impression will be that we have been overreached in Negotiation, and probably the ratification in the Senate will fail. The President readily agreed that the stipulation if agreed to should be by a separate Article; and directed that the limitation of its duration to be proposed should be four years— And to avoid the immediate shock to our Commerce by the exclusion of British Seamen from our service, that it should commence from the first of October 1820.— The next subject taken up, was the proposal from Lord Castlereagh, that we should join in the measures recently concerted by Treaties concluded with Spain Portugal and the Netherlands for abolishing the Slave trade— The general character of these Treaties is, that the commanders of armed vessels of each of those Nations, should be authorized to enter and search the merchant vessels of the other, for slaves and when they find any, to carry the vessel into the nearest settlement of either of the two Nations, where they shall be tried by a mixed Court, consisting of a judge from each of the two Nations and two Arbitrators also one from each Nation, one of whom to be drawn by lot in each case upon which the two judges should be of different opinions— These mixed Courts to be authorized to condemn all slave-trading vessels of either of the two Nations, according to the penalties of their respective Laws— In the Treaty with the Netherlands there are some limitations, as to the Seas where this right of search in time of Peace is to be exercised, but there is one Article formally admitting that vessels under convoy may be searched as well as others. Lord Castlereagh by a Note to Mr Rush communicates copies of these Treaties, inviting the United States, to join in similar stipulations and expressing the conviction, that the abolition of the Slave-trade cannot be effectually accomplished, but by granting this power to the Officers of one Nation, to enter and search the merchant-vessels of another. The opinion was unanimous, that this proposal ought not to be acceded to 1. Mr Wirt thought there was no Constitutional authority, in the Government of the United States, to establish a Court partly consisting of foreigners, to sit without the bounds of the United States; and not amenable to impeachment, for corruption. and he cited the Constitution Article 3. Sec: l. I thought there was sufficient authority by the Constitution, and likened it to the joint Commissions which we have had by Treaties with G. Britain and Spain; and to the Courts of Admiralty which it has been proposed to establish at Naples, if we could have obtained the consent of that Government. Mr Wirt pointed out distinctions between the two cases—between Courts constituted under the laws of Nations, and Courts to carry into effect our municipal and penal Statutes. But as the power of making Treaties, is without limitation in the Constitution, and Treaties are declared to be the Supreme Law of the Land I still hold to the opinion that there is no Constitutional difficulty in the way. 2. Another objection was that we could not establish these Courts with reciprocity, as we have no possessions on the Coast of Africa. 3. That we have suffered so much from the practice of foreign Officers to search our vessels in time of War, particularly by its connection with a British doctrine that after an Officer has entered for one purpose he may proceed to search for another, that we ought to be specially cautious not to admit of the right of search in time of peace. 4. That it is still more obnoxious, as coupled with the provision that even vessels under convoy, shall be subjected to it.— But in declining the proposition the President directed that an offer should be made to stipulate in general terms that further Laws should be made, if it should be found necessary for carrying into effectual execution those already enacted for the prohibition of the traffic by our Citizens—and that a copy of the act of Congress of the last Session to that effect should be communicated to the British Government— Upon these general ideas I was directed to draw up a Letter of Instructions, and it was suggested that we should also promise that Instructions shall be given to the Commanders of all our armed vessels to take and bring in for trial, any Slave-trading vessel under our flag, which they shall meet with upon the high Seas— But upon question made, it did not appear that the President is now authorized to give such orders, though he was by the Act of 1807. Finally we recurred to the reply to be given to Mr Onis’s last proposals for a Treaty— What claims of the Citizens of the United States, should we undertake to assume? how should they be limited? Should the lands in the territories to be ceded, be pledged as the fund from which the payment of the claims shall be made, or shall they be generally assumed to a specified 429amount? To ascertain the validity of the claims and their amount, should a Commission be instituted joint American and Spanish; or American alone, the United States giving a discharge in full to Spain for all the claims? These questions were all amply discussed, and I was directed to make a further addition to my draft of a Note to Mr Onis— It was resolved to give a discharge for all claims which have been till the date of the Treaty presented at the department of State, or to the American Minister in Spain— That the United States will pay them to the amount of five Millions of Dollars; and that a Commission shall be appointed, of three persons, all American, to pass, upon the claims— About nine in the Evening the meeting finished, and we walked home— I had received by the Mail two Letters relating to the state of my dear Mother, both dated last Monday— One from Harriet Welsh—only three lines; closing with “We have yet hopes— Another Letter on Wednesday”— The other from De Grand; who had been out to Quincy the day before— He says, [“]your Mother is quite sick—your venerable father bears it with a considerable degree of fortitude”— These are ominous words— I am endeavouring to prepare my mind for submission to the divine Will— Might this cup, Oh! God, but pass from me!—

31 October 1818
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31. VI:15. Mr Daniel Brent was here this morning; and a man who calls himself Estifano, Captain of a privateer under a Commission of Buenos-Ayres, called the General San Martin; but by his Speech he is evidently an American of our own Country. His crew ran away with his vessel from a West-India Island, and took her into Savannah, where she was seized and libell’d in the Admiralty Court at his own request; he now wants her released, and had written me two Letters to that effect— He came this morning, first to my house, and afterwards to the Office; I found upon enquiry that the order for the seizure of the vessel had been sent from the Treasury, and to that Department referred Mr Estifano— I was at the Metropolis Bank, filled up my Stock there, and took a Certificate for it as filled up. At the President’s and read to him the additional paragraphs that I had prepared in the draft of my Letter to Onis, according to the determinations of last Evening— I had mistaken one of the points, and after calling upon Mr Calhoun, whose recollection agreed with that of the President, I struck it out. I gave the draft then to Mr Brent to be copied off this Evening if possible and sent to Mr Onis. The President read me a paper he is preparing to send to Captain Hall’s second Court Martial, together with the opinion of the Attorney General— He assigns various reasons for disapproving their decision, and the first is that the order to try Hall was a military order, which the Court were bound to obey, and they were not competent to disclaim their own jurisdiction. Another that the trial by the first Court-Martial, having been disapproved by the President was no trial at all: and therefore that the reference to the second Court Martial, was not trying him a second time for the same offence— I remarked to the President that Storrow in his Speech to the second Court-Martial, and that Court itself had assumed the direct contrary to this first reason, as a principle—namely that the judicial character of a Court-Martial, necessarily absolves its members quo-adhoc from the military principle of unqualified obedience— The abstract argument, and the argument of analogy from the powers of other judicial Courts, seemed to be with them— If there was express authority on the other side, it would be decisive— I was not sufficiently versed in the writers upon Court-Martials to know how it was. He said he thought it was a rule settled by express authority as well as by general practice; but he did not recollect any particular case in which it was settled— I said as to the other reason, the difficulty appeared to me to be—that if a sentence of conviction, when disapproved by the President was no trial at all, I could not see how a sentence of acquittal, if disapproved should be a trial— The argument of nullity applies as much to an acquittal disapproved as to a conviction disapproved; and if to an acquittal, then the 87th. Article of War is so far nugatory that an Officer might be acquitted ten times over by as many 430successive Courts-Martial, and yet be said never to have had any trial at all. The President said that in practice, a sentence of acquittal is never disapproved; and if the President should abuse his power for the oppression of any individual he would be impeachable for it— I said that perhaps it would be more prudent to avoid the collision with the pride and temper of Officers whose opinions were already committed, to send the case to a third Court Martial, different from either of the others, and if they should ultimately take the same ground as the last, it might be referred to Congress for an amendment, or explanation of the Law— He said he would consider whether he should not do that at once; or if not, whether he should not institute a special board of Officers to report upon the questions— I told him there could be no possible doubt of the purity, humanity and equity of the motives, which had dictated the course pursued in this individual case. But the principles involved in it were important and serious. I disapproved the tone and Spirit of Storrow’s speech; but I separated them from the argument in it; and I thought it desirable to pursue a course which should avoid such a collision with the Officers of the Court as would drive them to resign; or make it necessary to break them— He said he wished much to avoid that collision; as he had a good opinion of the Officers; particularly of Eustis and Atkinson with whom he was personally acquainted— But something must be done for Hall, who though a hightempered and violent man had behaved very well during the War—had been strongly recommended by General Gaine’s, and was thought to have been persecuted by the partizans of General Brown in the Army, because he had been an Aid de Camp of Ripley’s— I staid this day, but a short time at the Office— I received a letter from my Son Charles with a Postscript from John dated last Monday telling me but too plainly what Harriet Welsh and De Grand left me to infer. It is this day but one month since I left my Mother in good health— At this moment I have probably no Mother on earth! Gracious God! support my father in this deep and irreparable affliction! Support and comfort her children! and prepare us all to rejoin her Society in the abodes of the blest!— I came home early, and took an hour’s walk, filled with painful, and bitter reflections— Mrs W. S. Smith dined with us, and I spent the Evening in writing.

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Day. The first half of the month I was travelling from Boston to Washington— Since my return I have risen, about six O’Clock—write two or three hours till breakfast time—and afterwards till eleven or twelve— Then pass an hour at the President’s—two or three at the Office, and come home to dine at five. Write or read about two hours after dinner, and about ten retire to bed— My writing has been chiefly in my Journal.

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Citation

John Quincy Adams, , , The John Quincy Adams Digital Diary, published in the Primary Source Cooperative at the Massachusetts Historical Society: