1 June 1817
adams-john10 Neal Millikan Diplomacy Louisiana Purchase Latin American Wars of Independence Foreign Relations Privateering
205 June 1817.

1. VI:45. Sunday. At half past eleven this Morning I called upon Lord Castlereagh, and had an hour’s Conversation with him upon a variety of general topics. He said he had desired to see me previous to my departure, to enquire if there remained any thing upon which further arrangements would be necessary, and to give me such a view of the sentiments of 206this Government as might be useful upon my return to the United States. I said I would make out a minute of the Notes which I had addressed to him, and to which answers had not yet been definitively given; and I should request to see him once more before I should sail— He named next Thursday Morning for that purpose. He then enlarged upon the general and earnest desire of the British Government, not only to remain themselves at Peace with all the world; but for the preservation of peace and tranquility among the other Nations— In these views I told him they might be sure of the hearty and earnest concurrence of the United States so far as it would depend upon them. He then said that without wishing to penetrate into the political intentions of the American Government, in regard to any thing upon which they were desirous of keeping them secret; he would ask me what was the present state of our relations with Spain. I said there was nothing in them, upon which the American Government were desirous of observing secrecy— That very serious Misunderstandings existed between the United States and Spain— There were questions of territorial boundary, and questions of indemnity for commercial depredations. Spain was so utterly untractable upon both points, that there was no prospect of an early accommodation upon them. Whether they would ultimately terminate in hostilities would depend upon Spain herself. I thought there was less prospect of that result now, than there had been some Months since. The United States would not seek hostility; and as Congress would not meet until December, there could be no declaration of War, on their part, at least for the present year— He said an idea had occurred to him, upon which he had not consulted his colleagues in Office, and therefore could not offer it as having the sanction of the British Government, but merely as his own individual sentiment. How did I think it would be received by the President if Great-Britain were to offer her good Offices to effect an amicable arrangement, between the United States and Spain? I answered that with every disposition to tell him in perfect candour, it was not in my power— The Affairs of my Government with Spain had formed but a very incidental part of their Correspondence with me; I knew not how the President might be affected by such a proposal; but I had no reason to doubt it would be taken as a kind and friendly measure, and it might if he thought proper be immediately adopted through the medium of Mr Bagot. There was so far as I could anticipate only one ground upon which any hesitation could arise against the acceptance of the proposal.— It would be within his Recollection, that in the course of the Negotiations at Ghent, there was some reference to the controversies between the United States and Spain. It then appeared that Great-Britain had formed an opinion upon those questions, unfavourable to the United States, and as I conceived quite erroneous. But as that opinion might naturally be supposed to have been biassed by the state of War, in which it was urged, I should suppose it could not operate as an objection against the acceptance of a proffered mediation, if it should appear that the Sentiments of Great-Britain had undergone such a change, as would give the United States the assurance of that impartiality on her part which is essential to the character of a mediator. Lord Castlereagh made no very significant reply to these remarks; but asked if the United States were not very desirous of obtaining a cession of the Florida’s? I told him that we contended the cession of West-Florida, was included in that of Louisiana, because it had formed a part of the original French Colony; the whole of which had been retroceded by Spain to France; and then by France to the United States— He asked whether there was not also some question of boundary, to the west of the river Mississippi? I said there was; but I did not know precisely where Spain pretended the line was to be drawn in that quarter. He hinted that perhaps Spain might perhaps consent to an accommodation upon the Florida side; if the United States would concede on the side of the Mississippi— Fernan Nuñez had told me as much. I spoke to Lord Castlereagh of the mediation of the allies between Spain and Portugal, and of the affairs of the Insurgents in South-America— The insurrection at Pernambuco, he said had not extended to Bahia, and he thought would be subdued without much difficulty by the Brazilian Government— He intimated that there would be a necessity for taking measures to protect Commerce against the depredations of the privateers under the insurgent colours, which he said were becoming as bold and as terrible as the buccaneers of the former century. I asked him if there was any prospect that the allies, or Great-Britain alone would ultimately take a hostile part against the South Americans? He said nothing of that sort was at present contemplated. It was impossible to say what system of policy the general course of Events might bring about; but no intention of a hostile interference between Spain and her Colonies was now intended.— On leaving Lord Castlereagh I returned home to receive Prince Esterhazy who came about three O’Clock. I had also an hour’s conversation with him, on the general state of political affairs in Europe— He says that the Cabinets were never so universally, and so sincerely pacific as at the present time. That all the Governments want a period of long repose, after the excessive exertions of the last twenty-five years— That all have ravages to repair, and finances to redeem—that all have inquietudes with regard to the 207dispositions of their people, and a fear of the recurrence again of the dangers that are past. That there is a community of interest among them, which will cement the alliance formed in the first instance for defence against the overwhelming power of France, and now perhaps equally necessary to secure the general tranquility.— Esterhazy is quite a young man, of the highest rank of the Hungarian nobility. His wife is daughter to the Princess of La Tour et Touxis, niece to the late Queen of Prussia, and Grand Niece to the Queen of England. The Prince is an Ambassador for the Shew; and is a courteous and accomplished Gentleman. Neumann and the Marquis of Bombelles are the men of business belonging to the Embassy. Mr Rossi and Mr Luffman were here. Rossi was desirous of taking passage with us in the ship Washington; but found upon application to the Captain that there was no room except in the Steerage. I told him I was persuaded there would be two vacancies of births for Cabin passengers, being confident that General Boyd and Mr Storer will not go in the ship— I advised him therefore to apply to Captain Forman again to-morrow. Luffman is the Print and map seller, who has repeatedly come to me to ask advice upon the project of going with his family to America. He now came to tell me that he had made his determination, and should embark in July. My wife and the children went to Walthamstow, and dined with the Thorpe’s. I dined with J. Bentham, and Mr and Mrs Koe. After dinner I walked an hour with Mr Bentham in St. James’s Park— He gave me a paper of written questions, which he desired me to answer, without enquiring of him what use he proposed to make of the Answers. They related to the state of religious opinions in the United States, and particularly to the effects which an avowal of infidelity may have upon a person’s reputation, or his condition in life. I came home about 11. I wrote this morning to G. W. Erving at Madrid.

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