John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
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Sanders and Mr Bryden came out before I left home— A young
Frenchman named Sabatier also came to ask me
for Letters of Recommendation to America— He is a carver and engraver,
and wishes to go and settle in that Country. I went into London, and as
I had anticipated found a Note from Lord
Bathurst, appointing two O’Clock this day to see me at
Downing-Street— It was then just two, and I went immediately to his
Office, and had an interview with him of about an hour— I said that
having lately received despatches from the American Secretary of State respecting several
objects of some importance to the relations between the two Countries,
my first object in asking to see him had been to enquire whether he had
received from Mr Baker a Communication of the Correspondence
between Mr Monroe and him, relative to the
surrender of Michillimakinac, to the proceedings of Coll:
Nicolls in the Southern part of the United States; and to
the warning given by the Captain of a British armed vessel, to certain
American fishing vessels to withdraw from the fishing grounds to the
distance of twenty leagues from the Coast— He said that he had received
all these papers from Mr Baker about four
days ago, that an answer with regard to the warning of the fishing
vessels had immediately been sent; but on the other subjects there had
not been time to examine the papers and prepare the answers— I asked him
if he could without inconvenience state the substance of the answer that
had been sent— He said, certainly— It had been that as on the one hand
Great-Britain could not permit the vessels of the United States to fish
within the Creeks, and close upon the shores of the British territories,
so on the other hand it was by no means her intention to interrupt them
in fishing any where in the open sea, or without the territorial
jurisdiction—a marine league from the shore— And therefore that the
warning given in the place stated in the case referred to was
unauthorised. I said that the particular act being disavowed, I trusted
the British Government before adopting any final determination upon the
Subject, would estimate in candour and in the Spirit of amity which my
own Government was anxious to have prevailing in our relations with this
Country, the Considerations which I was instructed to present in support
of the right of the People of the United States to fish on the whole
Coast of North-America, which they have uniformly enjoyed from the first
settlement of the Country. That I should in the course of a few days
address a Letter to him on the Subject. He said that they would give due
attention to the Letter that I should send him, but that Great-Britain
had explicitly manifested her intention upon the Subject— That there was
a great deal of feeling on it in this Country, as I doubtless knew, and
their own fishermen considered it as an excessive hardship to be
supplanted by American fishermen even upon the very shores of the
British dominions— I said that those whose sensibilities had been thus
excited, had probably not considered the question of right, in the point
of view in which it had been regarded by us. That the question of right
had not been discussed at the negotiation of Ghent— That the British
Plenipotentiaries had given a notice that the British Government would
not hereafter allow the People of the United States to fish and cure and
dry fish within the exclusive British territorial Jurisdiction in
America, without an equivalent. That the American Plenipotentiaries had
given notice in return, that the American Government considered all the
rights to the fisheries on the whole Coast of North America, as
sufficiently secured by their enjoyment of them from the settlement of
the Country by them, and by the recognition of it in the Treaty of Peace
of 1783. That they did not think any new stipulation necessary for a
further confirmation of the right— No part of which did they consider as
having been forfeited by the War— It was perfectly obvious that the
Treaty of Peace of 1783 was not one of those ordinary Treaties which by
the usages of Nations were considered as annulled by a subsequent war
between the same parties. It was a Treaty of partition between two parts
of one Nation agreeing thenceforth to be separated into two distinct
Sovereignties— The Conditions upon which this was done constituted
essentially the Independence of the United States, and the preservation
of all the fishing rights which they had always enjoyed, over the whole
Coast of North America, was among the most important of them— This was
no concession no grant on the part of Great-Britain which could be
annulled by a War— There had been in the same Treaty of 1783. a right
recognized in British subjects to navigate the Mississippi— This right
the British Plenipotentiaries at Ghent had considered a just
claim of Great-Britain, notwithstanding the war that had intervened— The
American Plenipotentiaries, to remove all future
discussion upon both points had offered to agree to an article expressly
confirming both the rights— In declining this an Offer had been made on
the part of Great-Britain, stipulating to negotiate in future for the
renewal of both rights, for an equivalent. This
was declined by the American Plenipotentiaries because its only effect
would have been an implied admission, that both the rights were
annulled— There was therefore no Article concerning them in the Treaty,
and the question as to the right was not discussed. I now stated the
ground upon which the Government of the United States considered the
right as subsisting and unimpaired— It would be for the British
Government ultimately to determine how far this reasoning was to be
admitted as correct. 319There were also
considerations of policy and expediency to which I hoped the British
Government would give suitable attention before they came to a final
decision upon this point— I thought it my duty to suggest them; that
they might not be overlooked— The subject was viewed by my Countrymen as
highly important, and I was profoundly anxious to omit nothing which
might possibly have an influence to promote friendly sentiments between
the two Nations, or to guard against the excitement of others.— These
fisheries afforded the means of subsistence to multitudes of people, who
were destitute of any other— They also afforded the means of remittance
to G. Britain, in payment for articles of her manufacture exported to
America— It was well understood to be the policy of Great-Britain that
no unnecessary encouragement or stimulus should be given to manufactures
in the United States, which would diminish the importations from those
of Great-Britain— But by depriving the fishermen of the United States of
this source of subsistence, the result must be to throw them back upon
the Country, and drive them to the resort of manufacturing for
themselves—while on the other hand, it would cut off the means of making
remittances in payment for the manufactures of Great-Britain— I might
add that the people in America whose interests would be immediately and
severely affected by this exclusion, were in the part of the Country
which had always manifested of late years most friendly dispositions
towards Great-Britain— This might perhaps be less proper for me to
suggest than for a British Cabinet to consider— To me the interests of
all my Countrymen, in every part of the United States was the same. I
could know no distinction between them. But upon a point where I was
contending for what we conceived a strict right, I thought it best to
urge every consideration which might influence the other party to avoid
a collision upon it— I would even urge considerations of humanity— I
would say that fisheries, the nature of which was to multiply the means
of subsistence to mankind, were usually considered by civilized Nations
as under a sort of special Sanction— It was a common practice to leave
them uninterrupted even in time of war— He knew for instance that the
Dutch had been for centuries in the practice of fishing upon the Coasts
of this Island, and that they were not interrupted in this occupation
even in ordinary times of war— It was to be inferred from this that to
interrupt a fishery which had been enjoyed for ages was itself an
indication of more than ordinary animosity— He said that no such
disposition was entertained by the British Government— That to shew the
liberality which they had determined to exercise in this case he would
assure me that the Instructions which he had given to the Officers on
that Station had been, not even to interrupt the American fishermen, who
might have proceeded to those Coasts within the British Jurisdiction,
for the present year—to allow them to complete their fares, but to give
them notice, that this privilege could be no longer allowed by
Great-Britain, and that they must not return the next year— It was not
so much the fishing, as the drying and curing on the shores that had
been followed with bad consequences— It happened that our fishermen by
their proximity, could get to the fishing Stations sooner in the Season
than the British, who were obliged to go from Europe, and who upon
arriving there found all the fishing places, and drying and curing
places preoccupied— This had often given rise to disputes and quarrels
between them, which in some instances had proceeded even to blows— It
had even disturbed the Peace among the inhabitants on the shores; and
for several years before the war, the complaints to this Government had
been so great and so frequent that it had been impossible not to pay
regard to them— I said that I had not heard of any such complaints
before—but that as to the disputes arising from the competition of the
fishermen, they could surely be easily made a subject of regulation, by
the Government, and as to the Peace of the Inhabitants there could be no
difficulty in securing that; as the liberty enjoyed by the American
fishermen, was in all settled and inhabited places, expressly subjected
to the consent of the inhabitants, and by agreement with them— I then
adverted to the other topics—Michillimakinac—Bois Blan—and Coll. Nicolls— I asked him if he had any
account of the delivery of the Post— He said he had no doubt whatever;
but that it had been long since delivered up— But he had no late
despatches from the Canadian Government— Some delay had occurred by the
change of the Governor General; but Sir
George Prevost’s leaving Quebec to come to Europe, and
consequently by General
Drummond’s coming from upper Canada to Quebec— As to the
indisposition manifested by the Indians to accept the Peace offered by
the United States, he regretted it very much— It had been the sincere
wish and intention of the British Government that the Peace with the
Indians should immediately follow that agreed to by this Country, the
British Officers there had been formally instructed to make known to
them the Peace which had been concluded, and to advise them to take the
benefit of it— As to Coll: Nicolls I said
that the American Government had been peculiarly concerned at the
proceedings of that Officer, because they appeared marked with
unequivocal characters of hostility— Why, said Lord Bathurst to tell you
the truth, Coll: Nicolls, is I believe a man
of activity and Spirit, but a very wild fellow— He did make and send
over to me a Treaty Offensive and defensive with the Indians, and he is
now come over here and has brought over some of those Indians 320I sent for answer that he had no authority
whatever to make a Treaty offensive and defensive with the Indians, and
that this Government would make no such Treaty. I have sent him word
that I could not see him upon any such project— The Indians are here in
great distress indeed; but we shall only furnish them with the means of
returning home, and advise them, to make their terms with the United
States as well as they can— Perceiving that I had noticed his
declaration that he had declined seeing Coll. Nicolls, he said that perhaps he should see him upon the
general subject of his transactions but that he had declined seeing him
in regard to his Treaty with the Indians— I then observed that Mr Monroe had also sent me his Letter to Mr Baker concerning the Island of Bois Blanc.
He said, it seemed merely a question of fact; whether the Island had
been in the possession of the British at the Commencement of the late
War, or not— He did not know how that was, but he thought it could not
be difficult to ascertain; and it was altogether of very little
importance. I then asked him if he could inform me, when Mr Bagot
would probably embark for the United States— He laughed and said he
believed he must refer me to the man midwife— They had expected Mrs Bagot
would be confined about this time, and to be ready to go early in
October— I said that I had asked the question now, because by a late
Letter from Mr Baker to the American
Secretary of State, it appeared that his powers in relation to the
execution of the Treaty of Peace were less extensive than the Government
of the United States had understood they were; which circumstance had
made me more solicitous for the departure of Mr Bagot— He said there would be no delay that could possibly
be avoided.— After this conference I went to the engraver Silvester’s in the Strand.— Left
the Seal, for an alteration.— As I was returning to Charles Street, I
met the Sardinian Minister, Count St: Martin d’Aglie, in the
Street— He says that the Treaty of Peace with France is signed— That
France will retain her boundaries of 1789. without dismemberment only
restoring to his king, what had
been taken from him by the Treaty of Paris of May 1814— He says that
there is a political fanaticism prevailing in Germany of which an
association calling themselves friends of virtue has been the
consequence— They were the great declaimers for the dismemberment of
France; but it was not sufficient to desire a thing; it must also be
considered what was practicable— I left Charles Street, about half past
four, and reached home at six. Mr Sanders
and Mr Bryden dined with us; and our Sons
John and Charles were at home for a half
holiday from school— They returned in the Evening.
