John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Petry called upon us with news, which proved
to be only a groundless rumour. The Duc de Vicence called immediately afterwards, and told me
that the firing of the Cannon, had been for a visit which the Emperor was making to the
hospital of Invalids.— He mentioned to me many circumstances relating to
the state of public affairs at this time, and said that they were
perfectly informed of all the proceedings of the Congress until after
the Emperor arrived in Paris.— That six dispatches from Talleyrand to the Ministry of
Louis 18 had been received by
him the Duke de Vicence since he came to the Department of foreign
affairs— They had the whole history, of the Declaration of 13. March,
and knew by whom it was written— That Talleyrand obtained the signatures
to it— That it was signed first by Prince Metternich, who was un homme très leger; and who
scarcely took the trouble of reading it, and never thought of reflecting
a moment upon its meaning— The Duke of
Wellington signed it in the same manner— The rest signed
upon trust— The Duke said it was amusing to be told that Lord Wellington
had been highly indignant at learning that he was charged as an
instigator of assassination for having signed that declaration— The
truth was he had signed it, without knowing what it meant—impelled by a
moment of passion— It was a declaration signalizing one individual as a
wolf, not entitled to any of the privileges of a human being.— They
thought that by using high-sounding and bitter words they alone would
suffice to destroy him— At the same time they thought his undertaking so
weak and insignificant, that they actually wrote here that two brigades
of Gensdarmes would be more than enough to put him down— I told the Duke
that I had seen a remark in the Edinburg Review, that if the mere facts
of the Emperor’s landing and resumption of the Government of France were
put into a Romance, they would be rejected as too improbable for a
narrative of fiction— He said it was true, but he could assure me there
had been no previous concert between the Emperor and any person here—
Not a human being in France knew that he was coming— The Duke saw by a
smile on my countenance that I was not altogether credulous of this
fact, and said—eh bien!—remember what I now say to you— Depend upon it
the fact will ultimately be known and proved— I repeat that there was
not a human being in France, who knew of the Emperor’s design, before he
landed— I told him what was said in the Edinburg Review of a watch word
of La Violette and elle reviendra au printems— He said there was nothing
in it. That Le Pere la Violette was a name the Soldiers had given the
Emperor among themselves, as they had formerly called him le petit
Caporal.— But there was nothing of plot or conspiracy in it— As for
himself when he first heard that the Emperor had landed, he did not
believe it. He had been a whole day disbelieving it, until it was
ascertained to him by a general who had received it directly from
General Maison. The Emperor
knew, however, the universal discontent, and disgust at the Government
of the Bourbons in France— He received the newspapers; but during the
whole time that he had been at the Island of Elba, only two persons had
been from France to see him. But the Bourbons were so odious that if the
Emperor had not come, there would nevertheless have been within two
Months a Revolution against them— They knew it very well— All the
Correspondence from the interior, as well as that to and from Vienna,
which had fallen into the hands of the present government, shewed that
Louis 18. himself saw the impossibility of getting along.— The Duke told
me that if this change had not taken place he should himself have gone
to America— He had made all his arrangements for going this Spring. He
could not have lived in France— The Emperor
of Russia had kindly given him an invitation to Russia,
but he had not chosen to accept it, and had formed the settled
determination to go to America— He said also that the Emperor of Russia
had spoken to him here at Paris, with great disapprobation of the
Bourbons and their proceedings—and said they risked every thing as 251they were going on— He further said that since he
had been in the Department they had received three dispatches from the
Count de Noailles, the
Ambassador of Louis 18 at St. Petersburg.
That the Count complained that he found himself embarrassed in Society
because he heard opinions expressed very freely against the war— When
the Duke left me he said he should send me a despatch to be forwarded to
Mr
Serrurier, the French Minister in the United States; to
whom new Credentials had been sent, and who was understood to have given
general satisfaction in America— We had also a visit from Mr Boyd.— In
the Evening we paid a visit at the Count
de Tracy’s to take leave— The Count himself was abroad— We
saw Madame de Tracy and Mr and Madame de
l’Aubépin— They told us that General La Fayette was elected a member of the
Representative Assembly— And had been President of the electoral college
at Melun. That the General would be in Paris next Saturday to dine— I
had determined to leave Paris at 4 O’Clock afternoon, on Saturday.— But
having a strong wish to see the General, before I go, I now concluded to
postpone our departure until the next Morning. The Ladies and Mr: de l’Aubepin, made many enquiries as to
the manner of living in America. This family too has had, and perhaps
may have again the project of removing to America— After our visit we
finished our Evening by a walk upon the Boulevards.
