John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
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de Caulaincourt, Duc de Vicence— He apologized to me for
my having been delayed, and said he should have called upon me, if he
had known I was in Paris. I told him that although sensible he could at
the present juncture have no time to spare, I could not resist the
temptation of requesting to see him; to offer him my congratulations on
the change which had just taken place, with which I had been gratified
in general, and more especially as it related personally to him. He said
that a Revolution had been rendered unavoidable by the misconduct of the
Bourbons— That with the exception of a handful of emigrants who had been
twenty years carrying on a War against their Country, the
dissatisfaction had been universal. If the Emperor had not returned there
would have been in less than six Months an insurrection of the People,
the operation of which would have been dreadful— That by the Emperor’s
return it had been effected without a drop of blood shed. His Government
was now established throughout France more completely and effectually
than it was eighteen Months ago— He, the Duke had last Evening enquired
of Fouché (the new Minister of
the Police) who received Reports from every part of the Country— He had
assured him that there was not one Report made to him from any quarter,
of any act of violence or resistance— The return to the present order of
things accomplished itself every where; without an effort— It was
inconceivable— Nothing like it was to be found in history— But so it
was— The Government had not adopted the bad habit which the late
Government had fallen into, of disguising or concealing to true state of
things, but there was nothing to conceal— France would have a strong
Government, and Institutions upon liberal 239principles.— The Emperor had renounced all
ideas of an extended Empire— His earnest wish was Peace with all the
world. He would execute with the utmost fidelity the Treaty of Paris—
The late Government had contracted engagements by which France was
bound, and which the Emperor considered as sacred for him— I said that I
was very happy to hear this assurance from him— That the speculative
opinions of the public on this subject were various— I myself had
expected, first that he, the Duke would fill the place where I was now
happy to see him, and secondly, that the Emperor’s policy would be
precisely such as he now announced it to me— I had believed this would
be his course, because it appeared to me the course obviously the best
suited to his interest—the wisest course, and that in which he would be
the strongest— It remained only to hope that he would meet with the
return of the same pacific Spirit, in the other European Powers— I asked
him if he had any thing new from abroad— He said he had just received
the English Newspapers of the 25th. which
were now in the process of being translated. He did not know what they
contained— As to Vienna, he did not think it would be possible within
eight or ten days to ascertain what would definitively be done by the
sovereigns there— As to any thing done before the information could
reach there of the Emperor’s entry at Paris, he considered all that as
the result of Passion— They would not act upon these vague and unsettled
impressions; the time for reflection would come; and he still hoped the
Peace would not be violated— If however it should, the War on the part
of France would be national, and the Emperor
would be stronger than he had ever been. Stronger in the attachment of
his troops, and stronger in the Spirit of the People— The Emperor’s wish
was Peace; and he the Duke could assure me that if it had been
otherwise, he would not have been his Minister— He had no doubt that
Talleyrand would do every
thing in his power, pour tout embrouiller, et pour pousser à la guerre,
but he hoped it would be without success— I mentioned to him that while
I had been at Ghent, De Cabre had passed
through that place; and had spoken to me of him in terms of the highest
respect— That in coming to Paris I had long balanced in my own mind,
whether I would not take the road by Compiegne; for the sake of calling
to see him at his Estate, and had concluded at last to go through
Peronne, from an uncertainty whether circumstances might not exist,
which would have made my visit inconvenient to him— He said that it
would have been only two or three leagues from my road, and he should
have seen me with great pleasure— That the Emperor had appointed him at
a most distressing and disastrous period his Minister of foreign
relations.— The allied Sovereigns had been pleased to speak of him to
his brother in Law at Francfort in terms of Confidence and he thought it
impossible at that time, and under such Circumstances to refuse the
appointment— He had of course been engaged in the Negotiations which
issued so unfortunately, and the Bourbons had thought proper to send him
into exile— He had heard there of the Peace we had made; and that it was
a bonne paix— Was his information correct?— I said it was on the basis
of the Statu quo ante Bellum. Every thing was left as it had been; and
it might be called a good Peace, taking into consideration the situation
in which the Revolution in Europe had left us— We had to contend against
the whole power of Great-Britain—without a friend in Europe— With almost
all Europe inclining even against us; and with the Government of France
in the leading strings of our Enemy— Shewing us every possible ill-will;
and as we had reason to believe, restrained only by the general and
strongly pronounced Sentiment of the Nation in our favour, from
declaring against us— He said they would undoubtedly have declared
against us, if they had dared, and nothing but the national Sentiment
had restrained them—the Duke of
Wellington had been substantially the Sovereign of France—
The Bourbons had been mere puppets in his hands; and he had dated his
despatches here at Paris, at the head-quarters of his army.— The
subserviency of the Bourbon Government to him had been unbounded— France
had been degraded in her own eyes and in those of the world, below the
rank of an Independent Nation— But henceforth said he we shall neither
be English, nor Austrians, nor Russians—nous serons nous. We shall not attempt to give the law to any other
Nation, but we shall be our own Masters at home— But, said he, the
Emperor of Russia, did manifest
here at Paris, some interest in your favour— I said that the Emperor of
Russia had uniformly manifested an interest in our favour. His
disposition had been always friendly to us— He had in the first instance
offered his mediation, and had constantly testified his good will— But
he had done nothing for us. He had left us to fight our own battles, and
we had never asked any thing of him— The Duke said that the attention of
the Emperor of Russia had been so entirely absorbed by the great object
of the affairs of Europe, that he had probably found it impossible to do
any thing for those of America— I then observed that I hoped the
relations between France and my own Country would soon be restored to a
friendly and mutually advantageous footing. That I was here waiting for
the orders of my Government, and expected to receive in the course of a
few days my recall from the mission to Russia, either with permission to
return to the United States, or perhaps an order to go to England. that
in either case I should probably want a Passport from him, and should
then apply to him for it— He said he was entirely at my disposal; and he
begged me when I should see Mr Crawford to say the same
thing for him to that Gentleman— All the other foreign Ministers, he
said, were gone— They had all asked for Passports, which had accordingly
been furnished to them.— I observed that I believed Mr Crawford had been for some time determined
to return to the United States, and had already received permission to
that effect from our Government. He had mentioned to me that he should
probably go in a few weeks. The Duke said that under the peculiar
circumstances of the times 240perhaps it would be better for Mr Crawford to wait for further orders from
his Government, founded on their knowledge of the present Events— I said
I should mention to Mr Crawford the
substance of this conversation; and then took leave— I walked home after
taking several turns in the garden of the Tuileries— There was a crowd
of people under the windows of the Emperor’s Apartment; where he was
walking with one of his officers, and occasionally appeared at the
window which was open.— I saw him, but not distinctly enough to
recognize his features— In the Evening we went all to the Theatre de la
Porte St: Martin— Saw Vernon de Kergalek, a
very wretched farce; Les six Ingénus a tolerable Ballet, and Le Vieux de
la Montagne a tiresome Melodrame at which Charles was much frightened.
