John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r Daschkoff, in answer, to the
Emperor’s proposal of
mediation, which he said appeared to have been completely successful. He
then shewed me the copy of Mr Monroe’s Answer to the
proposal, as made by Mr Daschkoff— It is
dated 11. March, and in very handsome terms accepts the Mediation— It
says that further arrangements will shortly be made to carry the
acceptance into effect, of which he shall be duly informed— The Count
added that Mr Daschkoff informed him he
should write him more at large as soon as possible. The Count said he
was gratified that this measure had been so received by the United
States, though from the manner in which it appeared to be considered in
England, he could not flatter himself that it would have any further
immediate effect— I said that my own expectations were the same; that by
the manner in which it is considered by the Newspapers of all the great
parties in England I saw no prospect of its acceptance there. The
Courier, a ministerial Paper, had declared itself sure that it would be
refused— The Times, a Wellesley and Canning Paper had expressed its regret, at the interest
taken by the Emperor, in this Mediation, and its reluctance at the
Negotiation’s taking this turn— I had a private letter also mentioning
that such was the general Sentiment of all parties in England— I
regretted very much that this should be the result, but I was extremely
gratified that the measure had been proposed, and at the frankness and
readiness with which it had been accepted by my own Government—inasmuch
as it had given them an opportunity to manifest to the Emperor and to
the world their readiness and even eagerness for Peace; as well as the
falsehood of what our enemies were taking such pains to propagate
throughout the world; that we acted under the influence of France. The
Count replied that he did not expect the Mediation would be directly
refused by the British Government— It would cause some embarrassment to
the Ministry. By a refusal they would incur a responsibility which they
might hereafter find troublesome— But he believed they would give an
evasive Answer, and renew the pretence that we were in subserviency to
France— He nevertheless hoped that the measure would at a future day not
be without its good effects.— He asked me if I had any later Accounts
from America, and what was the state of the War— I had no accounts but
such as came by the English Gazettes— I mentioned the Bombardment of
Lewistown; and the Report of the destruction of Norfolk— The Application
by Mr Daschkoff’s Secretary to the British
Admiral for a Cartel for a vessel to come here, dispatched by the
Government of the United States, and the Report of Messrs:
Gallatin and Bayard being destined to come out as
Commissioners, of the accuracy of which I had my doubts— I presumed a
Commission would be appointed; but I questioned whether they would be
the men— Mr Gallatin could not easily be
spared, and he and Mr Bayard were so
opposite to each other in our politics that I thought it doubtful
whether they would be joined in one Commission— The Count said that in a
Government like ours that might be the very reason for joining them; so
that the great opposing interests might be all represented. I admitted
this, but thought it more likely to give rise to the report than to the
reality.— He said he should this Evening write to the Emperor, and make
him his Report of the Dispatch from Mr
Daschkoff—he asked me therefore to send him the English Paper in which I
had seen the Article concerning Messrs.
Gallatin and Bayard: I accordingly sent him the slip of the Times of 18
May which I received from Mr Beasley.— I had some further
conversation with the Count upon other subjects— I told him I had seen
in the National Intelligencers that he had lent me, Mr Barlow’s
Correspondence with the Duke of
Bassano, concerning the invitation to Wilna; and Mr Barlow’s Account of it to the American
Secretary of State— I had been happy to observe Mr Barlow’s remark, that if there were any other motives than
those of treating concerning our Commerce, and our indemnities, he
should know what answer to give— As it so fully confirmed the assurances
that I had given to the Count on that occasion— He said he had noticed
it in the Correspondence, and had always been fully convinced it was so—
He asked me whether I had received an answer, concerning the papers of
the Russian Embassy at Paris, of which he had spoken to me. I said I
lamented that hitherto all my efforts to obtain an answer from Paris had
been unsuccessful— That the person 490whom I had
dispatched as a Courier had been very long in reaching Vienna— That he
had even met with some obstructions and detentions on the road in
Russia, owing I presumed to the peculiar situation of that part of the
Country, at this time— That on his arrival at Vienna, he had found
himself unexpectedly detained there; and had forwarded by mail, one of
the two letters I had given him for Paris— This letter was in cypher,
and I had authorized him in case he should himself be detained to
forward it by Post— It has been received, and yesterday came to me an
answer saying that they have no key to the cypher, and cannot read it— I
had foreseen that Mr Barlow might not have
the key to my cypher, which had been with his predecessor, and had therefore given Mr Delprat
a duplicate, without cypher, to be delivered only by himself; and in
consequence of his detention this letter had not been received. I had
afterwards written again and sent my letter to be forwarded from
Copenhagen— I had an answer to that also saying that the Communication
between Copenhagen and France was interrupted, and my letter could not
be transmitted— Then I had written a third time and dispatched my letter
to be forwarded from Hamburg— But the bearer of it, who was going to
England, on reaching Berlin found it dangerous to proceed to Hamburg;
and had taken the way through Stralsund and Gothenburg— The Count
observed that the Communication between Copenhagen and France he
supposed was now restored and my letter sent through that channel might
now reach its destination— I said I could not yet discover what the
position of Denmark was, and of which side she was to be considered— He
hesitated a little, and then said he believed Denmark would finally be
fixed, as the friend of France in this War— That it seemed so since the
positive refusal to hear Count
Bernstorff in England, and his return home— It could not
be otherwise after that— Though now, added he, the Gazettes say, that
the English Government have sent General
Hope to Copenhagen.— There is said the Count, a want of
combination in some of the proceedings— I had made dispositions which I
hoped and yet believe might have secured Denmark to our Cause— But I
have been disappointed— I said that the failure of Denmark might be of
less importance since the Declaration of Austria, and the subsequent
retreat of the French army— He said that he knew nothing of the Austrian
Declaration, and did not believe there was sufficient Evidence that the
French army had retreated— It had been said he had received an Estafette
with the Austrian Declaration; which was not true— The letters from the
Army, and even from the Emperor, speak of it as being confidently
expected, and that very shortly. Days had even been fixed upon which the
Austrians were to have commenced their hostilities—first the 15th: and afterwards the 18th: of May— Both those days however had
passed and they had not commenced— The Emperor had not written to him
these fifteen days; the co-operation of Austria was promised as a
certainty; but there is yet no Account of its having taken effect.— As
to the Accounts of the retreat of the French army, they were from
Berlin; where they had been excessively and needlessly alarmed, and
where they had published every thing true or false that could tend to
quiet the alarms of the People— He did not mean to say that there had
been no danger to Berlin— Its danger was immense; but not exactly for
that week— What motive could the Emperor Napoleon have for going to Berlin, while he had
the combined army in presence before him?— But if he can oblige us to
cross the Oder, what can hinder him afterwards from going to Berlin just
when he pleases? I said that the possession of great Cities, always had
on the popular sentiment a more powerful impression than it deserved.
There was hardly a Capital in Europe, but had been taken and retaken
time after time. People seemed to think it was putting an end to the
War; but it scarcely ever had been so.— The Count said that Governments
were apt to comply too much with this popular panic on the occupation of
great Cities.— Napoleon however paid very little attention to it.— He
followed his own course, and let people clamour to their hearts Content—
He knew that all such piaulement, signified
nothing at all in the course of Events— And it reminded him of a saying
of his father’s—Marshal
Romanzoff— In the midst of a great Battle some Soldier in
a moment of particular danger had loudly exclaimed to him “I will die with you”— Upon which the Marshal instantly
answered as loudly—“Away! go and die with whom
you will! I want none but such as will live with
me!” a sentiment said the Count, which I think as judicious as it was
well-timed.— The Count appeared at once inclined to be communicative,
and restrained by motives of Prudence from speaking out freely, and I
forbore to press him upon topics, with which I had no immediate concern—
He asked whether I had any news as to the state
of our War with England— I mentioned the destruction of Lewistown;
the reported Bombardment of Norfolk, and the capture of the Peacock,
by the Hornet— He said that by the late English Newspapers that
he had seen there appeared to be a most extraordinary and wonderful
stagnation of every thing of general interest.— The Princess of Wales’s Virtue and the
Cossack, seemed to have absorbed all 491the
contemplations of the English Nation— He is evidently not satisfied with
the course which things are taking, though he speaks with great caution
and reserve— After dinner I walked round the Fontanka, and through the
Summer-gardens. Mr Harris spent the Evening with us. Charles was unwell, and had this day
no lesson.
