John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

1. There was this morning an eclipse of the Sun—5 1/2 digits— Began at half past nine, and finished just at Noon— The sky above the City vapours was clear, but the smoke from the chimnies formed such a continual Cloud that the eclipse could be but very indistinctly seen. The severity of the cold scarcely abated at-all. I wrote a note to Count Romanzoff, asking a Passport for Mr Lawler, and at the same time requesting an interview with the Count— He appointed me this Evening at nine O’Clock— Mr Lawler came and told me he should not be ready to go sooner than Wednesday— I walked before dinner, and wrote as much in the course of the day as I was able— At nine in the Evening I went to Count Romanzoff’s, and had with him the conversation I had requested— My object was to ascertain whether any commercial arrangements were making between this Country, which might effect the trade between Russia and the United States— Chiefly upon suggestions in a letter I have received from Mr Hazard. I mentioned to the Count the present state of our affairs with England. The failure of all the attempts to negotiate for a suspension of hostilities; and the prospect that the War must continue at least through the greatest part of the ensuing Summer, even if the Emperor’s Mediation should eventually succeed in accomplishing a Peace— Under these Circumstances I had been questioned in behalf of persons interested in the commerce between Russia and the United States, whether there had been or was likely to be any Understanding between Russia, and Great-Britain, particularly with regard to the subject of articles of Contraband— The Count said there neither had been nor was likely to be any such Understanding— That with 450England, Russia had simply made Peace, and the Events of the French War, had since so entirely absorbed their attention, that they had not yet had time to talk about commerce— That with regard to articles of Contraband, [“]you know,[”] said he [“]that our religion here is different from that of the English— But there have been a great many faults committed in Europe— Such is the pressure of the most important interests, that it is impossible to have more than one Ally— There is but one power on each side— If questions about articles of Contraband arise in England we shall adhere to our own system and make our claims accordingly— But they will probably adhere to their side too— There is no list of contraband adjusted between us; nor will they perhaps consider themselves bound by that stipulated in our Treaty of Commerce with them, to which the subsequent War with them has put an end— They may recur to their most comprehensive list of contraband, and at this time we can hardly think of contesting with them on that point”— I said that in regard to the interest of Russia in her trade with America, almost all her articles of export, Hemp, Sail-Cloth, and even Iron, were Articles which the English styled contraband— But my business only was to know the fact as he had candidly stated it to me, and I should with his permission make it known to those who had consulted me concerning it, and they must arrange their commercial speculation accordingly— He said, that without naming him I might give this as the real state of things, from the best information I could collect— That there was no caution valide, that the English would recognize or respect any list of contraband other than that which they always allowed— That with respect to commerce, no change had yet been made in the Tariff of the last two years— Probably little or none would be made— The Tarriff had indeed not yet been renewed; but it would be decided upon, within another fortnight, for he knew the Emperor had again been applied to for his decision. He himself knew of it no more than what was current about the Town—for he attended none of the meetings of the Council— When he went away with the Emperor last Spring; all his Presidencies (in the Council) had been transferred to Marshal Soltykoff— He still retains them—and I, added the Count, being still in the condition of a Man for whom the Emperor may send from day to day the order to join him, though I do not know whether he will; yet in the mean time I cannot attend at the meetings of the Council; appearing under the Presidency of Marshal Soltykoff, my equal in rank; but over whom my previous situation in the Council had given me precedency— He then asked me some questions with regard to the popularity of the War between the United States and Britain, as well in England as in America— I said that in America the War was popular in some parts of the Country, and unpopular in others— I told him what I had heard concerning the probable issue of the Presidential election, and my belief that Mr Madison would be re-elected— He said that his information led to the same expectation— As to the popularity of the War in England I said I was afraid it would be too popular with all parties— The only point upon which the war now was continued was that of the impressment of our Sailors— On this point the whole English Nation, or at least all the political parties were unreasonable and the loss of two of their frigates successively, captured by American frigates had mortified their national pride, and touched their point of honour, in its tenderest part— I was afraid it had embittered them, and would make them think they must now fight not only for their honour but for revenge— He asked me what I thought of the War by Land— I answered that I expected for the present little or nothing from it— We were all too raw and unskilled in War to make much progress in Canada— He asked if the People of that Province itself were not inclined to favour our Cause, and to join the American Union?— I answered there might be some of them so disposed, but I placed no reliance upon it— He asked whether I thought there was any disposition in the present British Ministry towards a General Peace, and noticed a remark said to have been made by Lord Castlereagh in Parliament; that the successes of Russia had among other good results that of making it possible to conclude a Peace— I said that observation had been afterwards explained in a Ministerial Paper, not to mean Peace with the Emperor Napoleon— But the English Ministry appeared to think that the late Events had rendered the restoration of the throne of France to the family of Bourbon probable; in which case they suppose Peace may be made without difficulty— The Count said he had not seen this explanation; but he believed this Winter would produce events of the highest importance and the most extraordinary nature, arising from the late occurrences of the War— But it was impossible to foresee precisely what they would be— It was a Chaos, as he had told the Emperor, and no one could yet imagine what system of order would finally arise from it.— But what did I think of the strength of the British Ministry at present?—and what the likelihood of any change in it?— I thought the Ministry incomparably stronger than they were when ultimately formed last Summer— But would not the English Nation be urgent for Peace?— The English Nation 451would never ask for Peace, so long as their Ministers could fire the Park and Tower Guns, and talk to them of victories over the French; whether they were their own or those of their allies— As to a change of Ministers I saw no probability of that— The old opposition had not the most distant prospect of coming in—the Wellesley family little more— Mr Canning probably might come in, but the only change of system that could produce would be an increase of rancour in the War with America— But why did I think the prospects of the Wellesley’s so bad?— There was some delicacy in mentioning part of my reasons for this opinion, but I hoped he would consider me as speaking altogether in Confidence to him of it— The private character of the Marquis of Wellesley was disreputable in England— His conduct on the Catholic question was unpopular— The bigoted Church-party thought he favoured the Catholics too much, and the Catholic party had no confidence in his sincerity.— His political system was in no better favour with the public— He was for doubling and redoubling all the efforts and sacrifices of the English in Spain— It was evident enough that this system was adapted to his brother’s glory, and his own family aggrandizement, but the People were not of the same opinion, and had not the same motives. They thought the English were doing quite enough in Spain; particularly in the expenditure of money; which the Nation felt more severely than their losses of men— The Count observed that since Count Lieven’s arrival in England he had yet received from him only one or two despatches; and they mentioned that he should soon afterwards speak of American affairs— He spoke of the blockade by the English of Chesapeake Bay, and Delaware river, which I told him was another illegal blockade; for which I could perceive no other motive than a small malice against the Cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore— If they expected any good effects to themselves from this measure I trusted they would be disappointed— There was another thing in which I had seen a symptom of petty malice against America— They had made up a story that our Minister in France had followed the Emperor Napoleon to Moscow, to make a Treaty with him against Spain; which was certainly a falsehood— The Count said it was true that Mr Barlow, with the Danish Minister and a third diplomatic character from a state supposed to be in the interest of France, had been sent for to Willna; by an invitation from the Duke of Bassano— But that only one of them had arrived there; and that after Napoleon had left it— There had been even some dispositions made as if a stay of sometime in Lithuania had been contemplated— But the issue of the War had given a different turn to things— I said that Mr Barlow for aught I knew might have been sent for to Willna—but assuredly he never could go there for the object alledged by the English Newspapers, and by Mr Canning in Parliament. As to the Emperor Napoleon, his campaign had terminated in disappointment; and placed him in a situation which I considered as extremely precarious— But he had nobody to thank for it but himself— He was one more example of a head turned by Prosperous Fortune, and he must abide by the consequences of his insanity— True it is said the Count, that he must thank himself for his present condition— How many—many times have I urged upon the Duke de Vicence, sitting on this very Canapé, the preservation of Peace!— I did not repeat the same to Count Lauriston; because although I had every reason to be satisfied with his conduct personally to me, I was not upon the same terms of intimacy with him as I had been with his predecessor. The Duke de Vicence himself, I believe was of the same opinion— His inclinations were pacific; but they were unavailing— He was in a sort of disgrace; but he seems now to have come into favour again, and was the only person who accompanied Napoleon in his late return to Paris— I said I had heard that Count Lauriston was dead— There was such a report he answered— That he had been found frozen to death in his Carriage; and it was not improbable; as no mention was made of him among the Generals and Ministers who followed Napoleon upon his return to Paris.— It was probable too that Lauriston’s death might be hastened by chagrin at the idea of having contributed by his Counsels to the ruin of the army— For it is said to have been by his advice, against the opinion of Caulaincourt and of all the other Generals, qu’il fit la sottise de Moscou— It was Napoleon’s own opinion—and Lauriston flattered him by concurring with it— Not from base motives, but because it was his real opinion—that by pushing on to Moscow, we should be induced to negotiate—and if terms of Peace not too severe should be offered us, we should accept them— It was now scarcely credible how complete the destruction of that immense army had been— And they could no longer disguise it— He had seen a letter from the Duke of Bassano, written at Berlin, to some of the French agents in which were these identical words— “Il faut avouer que les Circonstances ne nous sont pas favorables.” 452I observed that this was by no means disclosing a secret— The Count replied that it was not— But that it shewed that their acknowledgment of the fact became every day more complete— The details surpassed every thing that imagination could have anticipated. It was remarkable that at Dresden, the very spot which Napoleon had chosen for his point of departure, where in May last he had made such a pompous and ridiculous display of power—where he had assembled Emperors and kings, and distributed their seats at the Elector’s table, and published them in all his Gazettes as if he had been there a monarch surrounded by his vassals—that exactly there on his return, he entered the City, in a single sledge; without servants; without guards— His very Mammeluke had been frozen to death; and he was obliged to borrow four thousand Louis of the Elector, to continue his journey, and six shirts from his Minister.— At Weimar, he had passed through without stopping, and left an apology behind to the Duke for not having visited him—that he was absolutely not in a presentable condition— (N.B. the Duchess of Weimar is a Russian Grand-Duchess— Sister of the Emperor Alexander—) at Weimar; he could not go any further in his sledge—which was broken— But borrowed the town-carriage of Monsieur de Saint-Aignan, his Minister, the brother-in-Law of the Duke de Vicence, and who was some time here with him; and with this Carriage, and two soldiers lent him by the Elector of Saxony he reached Paris— It was truly singular that Saxony should have been the particular scene of these humiliations—that very Saxony where he had made such a display of the Colonies of farmers and Artists, and God knows what, that he had brought with his army to settle in Poland.— Since his arrival in Paris, it was said he was sick—that he was certainly gone to Marli; on the pretext of hunting; and there he might be sick, and confine himself to the Palace, without so much notice as it would occasion at Paris— There was also a Report current about the City, and related with so many circumstances of detail as rendered it highly probable, that there had been a great popular Insurrection at Munich in Bavaria— But I have had, said the Count, no official advice of it myself— For the Emperor has naturally directed the Courier’s who had despatches to me, to proceed to his own Head-Quarters, and has opened the packets addressed to me— Thus far my Conversation with the Count; of which as of all the others I have with him I give the most particular relation, omitting only the common chat about weather, my family, and objects of no general or particular interest, which are occasionally mingled with them— The Circumstances which most struck me this time were those which the Count mentioned respecting himself—and which seemed to indicate an apprehension of declining favour— It was near eleven at Night when I came home— Still bitter cold— Thermometer Morn -23:8 Noon -20:7, Eve -22:7.