John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
r: White this day moved in Senate, an
adjournment to Monday the last day of this month; upon which some debate
was had; and the subject subsided, untill next Monday.— There was little
business to do and the adjournment took place early— Sitting by the
fire-side afterwards I witness’d a conversation between Mr: Giles
and Mr: Israel
Smith, on the subject of Impeachments— During which
Mr: John
Randolph came in and took part in the discussion— Giles
laboured with excessive earnestness to convince Smith of certain
principles, upon which not only Mr: Chase, but all the other
Judges of the Supreme Court, excepting the one last appointed must be
impeached and removed. He treated with the utmost contempt the idea of
an Independent Judiciary— Said there was not a
word about such an Independence in the Constitution, and that their
pretensions to it were nothing more nor less than an attempt to
establish an Aristocratic despotism in themselves.— The power of
Impeachment, was given without limitation to the House of
Representatives; the power of trying Impeachments was given equally
without limitation to the Senate; and if the Judges of the Supreme Court
should dare, as they had done, to declare an
Act of Congress, unconstitutional; or to send a Mandamus to the Secretary of State, as they had done, it was the undoubted right
of the House of Representatives to impeach them and of the Senate to
remove them, for giving such opinions, however honest or sincere they
may have been in entertaining them— Impeachment, was not a criminal
prosecution; it was no prosecution at all— The Senate sitting for the
trial of Impeachments was not a Court, and ought to discard and reject
all process of analogy to a Court of Justice. A trial and removal of a
Judge upon Impeachment, need not imply any criminality or corruption in
him— Congress had no power over the person, but only over the Office—
And a removal by Impeachment, was nothing more than a declaration by
Congress to this effect— You hold dangerous opinions, and if you are
suffered to carry them into effect you will work the destruction of the
Nation— We want your Offices; for the purpose of
giving them to men who will fill them better.— In answer to all this,
Mr: Smith only contended that honest error of opinion, could not as he
conceived be a subject of impeachment— And in pursuit of this principle,
he proved clearly enough the persecution and tyranny to which those of
Giles and Randolph inevitably lead— It would, he said establish a tyranny over opinions, and he traced all the
arguments of Giles to their only possible issue of rank absurdity— In
all this Conversation I opened my lips but once, in which I told Giles
that I could not assent to his definition of the term Impeachment. It
was easy to see that Giles was anxious about Smith’s vote on the
impeachment of Judge Chase— His manner was dogmatical, and peremptory—
Smith’s was not merely mild, and hesitating, but continually conceding
too 117too much, and to use an expression of
Burke, “above all things
afraid of being too much in the right.”— Mr:
Smith has so often express’d these opinions that the friends of Judge
Chase flatter themselves he will vote for an acquittal on the trial— But
though in this instance his opinions are undoubtedly correct, I have no
confidence in his firmness— His opinions were correct on the impeachment
of Judge Pickering— But his
vote abandoned them— Indeed Giles’s doctrines are very natural
inferences from those upon which that case was decided, and I never can
have any confidence in the resolute integrity of those, who shrunk from
the convictions of their own Consciences at that Time. It is obvious
that on Smith’s principles, Chase must be acquitted; for the Articles of
Impeachment contain no charge, which indicates corruption, or turpitude—
So that Smith and Giles were really trying the Judge over the fireside—
Old Mathers the door-keeper
saw this so plainly, that after they were gone he said to me “If all
were of Mr: Giles’s opinion, they never need
trouble themselves to bring Judge Chase here.”— I perceive also that the
Impeachment system is to be pursued, and the whole Bench of the Supreme
Court to be swept away, because their Offices are
wanted— And in the present State of things I am convinced it is
as easy for Mr: John Randolph and Mr: Giles, to do this as to say it.— This
evening part of the family went to Mr: J. Mason’s of Georgetown;
where they met Genl: Tureau, and other company— I did not go
out.
