John Quincy Adams’s (JQA) diary, which was inspired by his father John Adams (JA) and started as a travel journal, initiated a lifelong writing obsession. In 1779, twelve-year-old JQA made his second trip abroad to accompany his father’s diplomatic mission. While in Europe, he attended various schools and traveled to St. Petersburg as an interpreter during Francis Dana’s mission to Russia. He subsequently served as JA’s secretary at Paris during the final months before the Anglo-American Definitive Peace Treaty was signed in September 1783. Two years later, JQA returned to the US. After graduating from Harvard College in 1787, he moved to Newburyport to read law under Theophilus Parsons and in 1790 he established a legal practice in Boston. JQA’s skill as a writer brought him public acclaim, and in 1794 President George Washington nominated him as US minister resident to the Netherlands.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) entered diplomatic service in September 1794 as US minister resident to the Netherlands. He married Louisa Catherine Johnson (LCA) in July 1797 after a fourteen-month engagement, and their three sons were born in this period. During his father John Adams’s (JA) presidency they moved to Berlin where, as US minister plenipotentiary, JQA signed a new Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce. JQA returned to the US in 1801 and entered politics, elected first to the Massachusetts senate in 1802 and then to the US Senate in 1803. His contentious relationship with fellow Federalist members over his support of some Democratic-Republican policies led to his removal from office. In May 1808 the Federalist-controlled Massachusetts legislature voted to replace him at the end of his term, prompting JQA’s resignation in June. Between 1806 and 1809 he also served as the first Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) returned to diplomatic service in August 1809 as the US’s first minister plenipotentiary to Russia. In St. Petersburg JQA was well-liked by Emperor Alexander I and closely followed the battles of the Napoleonic Wars then raging across Europe. When the US declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Adams watched from afar as the conflict dragged on for two years. In April 1814, he traveled to Ghent, Belgium, as part of the US delegation to negotiate an end to the war with England; the Treaty of Ghent was signed on Christmas Eve. Subsequently appointed US minister to the Court of St. James’s in May 1815, JQA served in London for the next two years.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) served as the US secretary of state during James Monroe’s presidency. Adams’s duties included organizing and responding to all State Department correspondence and negotiating agreements beneficial to the US. His achievements as secretary of state include the Anglo-American Convention of 1818, which established the US border with Canada along the 49th parallel, and the Adams-Onis Treaty of 1819 (Transcontinental Treaty), which resulted in the US acquisition of Florida. JQA also formulated the policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine, in which the US called for European non-intervention in the western hemisphere, specifically in the affairs of newly independent Latin American nations. As Monroe’s presidency came to an end, JQA was among the top candidates in the 1824 presidential election. When no candidate earned the necessary majority, the House of Representatives decided the election in JQA’s favor in February 1825.
John Quincy Adams (JQA) was inaugurated as the sixth president of the US on 4 March 1825 and began his administration with an ambitious agenda of improvements for American society. His presidency was embattled. Supporters of Andrew Jackson, who believed their candidate had unfairly lost the 1824 election, worked ceaselessly to foil JQA’s plans. Domestically, JQA refused to replace civil servants with partisan supporters, and his administration became involved in disputes between the Creek Nation and the state of Georgia. JQA’s foreign policy also suffered, as partisan bickering in Congress failed to provide timely funding for US delegates to attend the 1826 Congress of Panama. Political mudslinging in advance of the 1828 presidential election was particularly fierce, and by mid-1827 JQA knew he would not be reelected.
In 1831 John Quincy Adams (JQA) became the only former president to subsequently serve in the US House of Representatives. As the chairman of the House Committee on Manufactures, he helped compose the compromise tariff bill of 1832. He traveled to Philadelphia as part of a committee that investigated the Bank of the United States, drafting a minority report in support of rechartering the bank after disagreeing with the committee’s majority report. JQA regularly presented the antislavery petitions he received from across the country, and he vehemently opposed the passage of the Gag Rule in 1836 that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, and in 1838 he delivered a marathon speech condemning the evils of slavery. JQA also chaired the committee that oversaw the bequest of James Smithson, which was used to establish the Smithsonian Institution.
During his final years of service in the US House of Representatives, John Quincy Adams (JQA) continued to oppose the Gag Rule that prevented House discussion of petitions related to slavery. In 1839 he joined the defense team for the Africans who revolted aboard the Spanish slave ship Amistad. The Supreme Court declared the Amistad Africans free on 9 March 1841 after JQA delivered oral arguments in their favor. In 1842 JQA faced a censure hearing and ably defended himself against charges from southern congressmen. He introduced a successful resolution that finally led to the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. JQA voted against both the annexation of Texas in 1845 and the US declaration of war with Mexico in 1846. He collapsed on the floor of the House on 21 February 1848 and died two days later.
Richard maintained the principal part of the conversation; it was altogether upon the military operations of their armies; one would have thought from his account that they were more than human beings, and he himself infinitely superior to all the heroes of antient or modern times in the art of War. There was indeed one particular in which he was certainly comparable with Hannibal, Sertorius and Claudius Civilis.— Gasconade is a part of his policy too. These people seem to think the rest of the world created for no other purpose than to admire them. All their heads are giddy with their own greatness & power. Pichegru among the Generals, and Cochon of the Representatives from whatever I have seen of them may be admitted as exceptions to this rule. They appear to have the gift of modesty, which is not among the shining qualities of the others.
Richard was prodigiously rapid in his talk; he appeared to be afraid that time would fail him to sing the praises of the Army, and in the course of his eloquence often gave us to understand with those intimations under which Vanity imagines itself sheltered from detection, that he had often been the most important character in the Army: the life the animating principle which inspired such extraordinary efforts.
“People think (“said he”) that we would not make Peace; but they are much mistaken: we are so far from wishing to continue the War, that there is a power of whom we would ask for Peace though we are conquerors: we would say, We have taken from you an immense territory, we have reduced you to the utmost extremity; we will return it all to you, if you will make a peace which shall restore us what was ours; and they would not accept our terms.— They think we are exhausted; that we cannot carry on the war any longer; that we have no further supply of men. Well we shall meet them upon that ground as long as they please. They have said the same thing these three years: our first requisition raised 100,000 men; the second three; the third eight or nine: and now we can raise as many more when we please. Austria, will not be reasonable till she has been beaten a little more severely. Clairfayt must go on in his career, and he has 11excellent troops. This War has been fatal, to many military Reputations, though that of Clairfayt has not suffered. He has been unfortunate, and has not been supported; the generals of both wings in the Austrian Army, have been sacrificed to the Jealousy of the commander in chief: but we have a great esteem for Clairfayt. However, we hope to give a good account of him. They talk about experienced Generals; but in our mode of warfare experience is learned in a campaign; a General does the duty of a soldier, and is in the midst of the action. According to the old fashioned style of war, the General, is at three or four leagues from his army; but how can he manoeuvre to any advantage at that distance. At the beginning of the last campaign, the army of the allies manoeuvred three times to our once; and at the close of it, I am sure we manoeuvred five times to their once.” “Our troops (he continued) scarcely seem subject to the wants of humanity; they live days and even sometimes a week together without food, without clothing, and without sleep. We have no tents, no camp bagage. Often after 16 or 17 hours of battle; worn out, exhausted unable to move our soldiers stretch themselves upon the bare ground, without covering, cold or hot, moist or dry, and enjoy, the sweetest sleep imaginable. I have found it infinitely more delicious than at any other time in bed and under cover.” Here he was interrupted by his colleague Alquier, who said he was not of that opinion, and a little discussion arose upon the subject between them. It did not however detain Richard long; he soon returned to his favourite topic, which he scarcely suspended for a moment from the time we sat down to dinner, until the company broke up.
In the mean time Mr: D’Araujo, had fastened again upon Alquier,
and had a very long particular conversation with him, in which the
company in General did not participate. After the Representatives were
gone, he enquired of me whether there is now any American Vessell going
to Spain or Portugal.— I asked him whether he had learned if Peace is
made or making between them and France. He said there had been
something, done, but it was not finished. He certainly wants to bring
forward a negotiation, or to have the appearance of it.
The french Representatives affected to give encouragements to Mr: Midleton, the
former Resident from Poland, as to a new Revolution to restore his
Country’s Independence: he said the business was too thoroughly done.
But they told him to keep up his Spirits, and Alquier toasted “success
to his Hopes.” The toast immediately went all round the table, and was
pledged by Bielfeld himself. D’Araujo was the only one, who avoided it,
and in a good humoured manner recommended to Midleton, to communicate
the toast to M: de Kalitcheff, The Russian
Minister here, who went away, since the french arrived.
12The Representatives Alquier and Cochon, repeated the strongest assurances, that they meant to give every facility to neutral Commerce and Navigation. That as it respected the United States, this disposition was the result of Sentiment as well as of interest.
Alquier, apologized for not having sent me the answer he had promised me on Sunday and said I should receive it this day; that upon my return home, I should undoubtedly find it there. He invited me to dine with them, sans ceremonie to morrow.
At table I enquired of Mr: Dedem the elder, why they
thought proper to interrupt the communication with England, and whether
it was like to be restored. He told me, they had the best disposition
for it possible, here, but I must be sensible the inclinations of the
french representatives must be consulted, and any alteration must be
solicited of them.
“Disguise thyself as thou wilt, Slavery! still thou art a bitter draught.” These people french and Dutch, cannot on either side carry through their farce of equality of independence or of republicanism. In the midst of all the forms which they cast around the real substance of things, the respective situations, and the prevalent ideas arising from each, break through upon all occasions. On one side politeness has the garb of condescension on the other it degenerates into flattery; their equality and fraternity are good as a subject of declamation, but there is nothing of it in their manners and practice.
We have left every body quiet here said Alquier “we have disturbed no
body. Monsr: the chargé d’Affairs of Prussia
can bear us witness to that.” and saying this turned to Bielfeld by way
of appeal to him for the truth of what he said. Bielfeld said that
certainly he had every possible reason to be
content with their treatment of him.”— He remarked this circumstance
afterwards to me; and said the fact was certainly true. But Alquier’s
politeness would have suffered no diminution, if he had forborn to
remind him of it.
Upon my return home I did not find the answer which Alquier had promised me; nor did I receive it this day.
