John Quincy Adams Digital Diary

4

5Friday July 11th. 1794. The day on which I entered upon the twenty-eighth year of my age, I received my Commission from the Secretary of State. At the same time I began the reading of six large folio volumes containing the dispatches from my father during his negotiations in Europe.— By the invitation of the President I attended at the reception he gave to Piomingo and a number of other Chickasaw Indians. Five Chiefs, seven warriors, four boys and an interpreter, constituted the company.— As soon as the whole were seated the ceremony of smoaking began. A large East Indian pipe was placed in the middle of the Hall. the tube which appeared to be of leather was twelve or fifteen feet in length. The President began, and after two or three whiffs past the tube to Piomingo; he to the next chief, and so all round. Whether this Ceremony be really of indian origin as is generally supposed, I confess I have some doubt. At least these Indians appeared to be quite unused to it; and from their manner of going through it looked as if they were submitting to a process in compliance with our custom. Some of them I thought smiled with such an expression of countenance as denoted a sense of novelty & of frivolity, too; as if the ceremony struck them not only as new, but also as ridiculous— When it was finished the President address’d them in a speech, which he read; stopping at the close of every sentence for the interpreter to translate it. I observed that the interpreter at the close of every sentence concluded by repeating the same word twice over. The sound was something like this, “Tshkyer! Tshkyer!” 6He always repeated them very rapidly, and as soon as he had done, the five Chiefs all together would utter a sound, importing their approbation. This sound was strong or faint in proportion to the degree of satisfaction they had in what was said. But I can give no adequate idea of what it was by any combination of our Letters. It resembled a horse’s neighing as much as any thing, and more than once reminded me of the Houynhms.— Piomingo then desired he might be excused from giving his talks at this Time being very unwell; but promised to give them in a few days. They then made several enquiries respecting the Cherokees, who have recently been here. Their questions discovered a mixture of curiosity and of animosity. These two nations are at war, and the Chickasaws spoke of the others as a perfidious people— The fides punica it seems is not confined to civilized Nations.

The informal conversation was held while Wine, punch and cake was carrying round. The President told them that the Chickasaws had always been distinguished as sincere and faithful friends. And that the United States always valued such friends most highly.— They said nothing of their own sincerity, and made no answer to the President’s compliment.

These formalities employed about an hour; after which they rose, shook hands with us all and departed—

There was nothing remarkable in their appearance. Some of them were dressed in coarse jackets & trowsers, & some in the uniform of the United States. Some of them had shirts and some had none. They were none of them either painted or scarified and there were four or five who had rings in their Noses. One or two had large plates apparently of silver hanging upon the breast, and I do not recollect observing any other ornaments upon them—

I dined at Genl: Knox’s. Mr: Griffin, a member of Congress from Virginia; Mr: Maund, an English Gentleman 7settled in that state and a member of their Senate, and the ci-devant Vicomte de Noailles were of the company.— This is another illustrious exile from France. Once a President of the Constituent Assembly, and the first who moved for the abolition of the feudal rights of the nobility, or for some other famous revolutionary measure. He fell with the monarchy; but by some good fortune having originally left the Country with express permission, he is not included in the full severity of the Laws against emigrants. He purposes now to settle for life upon a newly cleared place on the Susquehannah called the Asylum which really serves as such to many frenchmen expelled from their own Country, by the violence of their internal feuds.

We accompanied Mrs: Knox to the Theatre, which is spacious and elegant. and supplied with a very good Company of performers.— Part of the entertainment however we left to go and pay the customary visit to Mrs: Washington. As this was merely a mark of respect we retired as early as we could, and returned to the play. The remainder of the Evening I was seated next to M. Fauchet the minister plenipotentiary from the french Republic. I found him tolerably conversable; but reserved. he appears to be not much beyond thirty. He spoke of the abbé Raynal whom he knew: but said he had seldom seen him in Latter times, and never without conversing on the subject of the Revolution.— There was another man of Letters, much his superior; the abbé Barthelemi. I told him, I had great veneration for his character, and had heard with great regret that he had lately “suffered.” (I hardly knew now to express the with the delicate ambiguity, which I thought necessary, the operation of the Guillotine) he assured me that my information was false, and that the 8the abbé Barthelemi, was highly respected by the present ruling powers of France— Milton’s mask of Comus was one part of the evening’s performance.— “It is the work of a great man,” said M. Fauchet. “Ay” said I “and of a great Republican.” He wrote a book in defence of the people of England for beheading Charles the 1st: That book said Mr. Fauchet Mirabeau boasted of having made known in France—and published a translation of it which he pretended was his own; but in reality it was an old one, which had been published many years ago.— Mirabeau’s reputation said I, [“]has undergone great Revolutions since that of France began.”— “He was indisputably said he a Man of great Talents, but as to his integrity the fact is not so clearly settled.— Was he a Man of courage?— on pretend que non.— Every thing was as cautious and guarded as this.— “The accounts of success from the french armies are confirmed said he, and it is not improbable that on your arrival you will find the Stadtholder’s Court at Breda.— I have great hopes of that Country. I think the seeds of a happy Revolution are there; and always regretted that the patriots were abandoned and sacrificed.— You will arrive at a very critical time. Important negotiations must take place, at the close of the present campaign— The combined powers, Prussia, Austria, Spain, must surely discover, that they are labouring for an object the success of which would be destructive to themselves.— France once destroyed; and where will there be found a power to balance that of England— They are wrong to abuse Pitt as they do. His plan is in my opinion vast and profound; and his Execution hitherto has been equally artful. His object is to ruin France; to establish beyond controul the power of Britain, and he has had the address to employ those nations the most deeply interested against the system, to spend their blood and treasure in promoting it.”— I was content to be simply an 9hearer of these observations, and easily perceived the policy of Mr: Fauchet in advancing these sentiments. For if this be the system of the british Government, there is none of the European Nations who ought to wish more earnestly for its failure than the United States. As a commercial people we must very soon be their most dangerous rivals. As a naval power we must in time be their superiors, and France being the only Country in Europe, that can pretend to cope with them on the Sea at this Time, their claim to the dominion of the Ocean would be established beyond controul by the destruction of the French power. In the triumphs of Britain, it would be absurd to expect moderation, and if by the ruin of her rival she could effectually secure the lordship of the waves, the United States would certainly be among the first to feel the insolence of her supremacy. This was not said by Mr: Fauchet, but is an inevitable inference from his opinions, and I believe it has too much foundation— I have seen however in some of the opposition news-papers a speculation in which the system is attacked, and the writer attempts to prove that by the destruction of France, England herself would be brought in jeopardy, and the power of Russia only would be so promoted and strengthened as to become the Tyrant of Europe.